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Would repealing the Equality Act help white working-class boys?

'The Equality Act has been exploited to justify race-obsessed DEI initiatives.' Credit: Getty

‘The Equality Act has been exploited to justify race-obsessed DEI initiatives.’ Credit: Getty

26 June 2026 - 7:00am

Earlier this week, Reform UK leader Nigel Farage declared on X that the 2010 Equality Act was to blame for the underperformance of white working-class boys in the country’s education system. But is he right?

Farage is partly correct in that he identified the impact of the unholy trinity of radical progressivism: diversity, equality, and inclusion (DEI). The Equality Act itself sought to protect against discrimination along the lines of sex, race and several other characteristics, including in education and the workplace.  The emergence of the Black Lives Matter movement in the UK placed race at the heart and centre of national conversations over disadvantage and barriers to opportunity.

The aggressive importation of this American Leftist racial politics then resulted in the proliferation of critical race theory throughout British institutions — a conceptual framework that categorises minorities as oppressed groups within systems dominated by white male privilege. This particularly led to a number of these institutions seeking to avoid discrimination based on race under the Equality Act. These are ideas which are hardly likely to motivate white working-class boys in some of the most left-behind parts of the country.

And so what the Equality Act did was provide easy political capital for progressive middle-class liberals, keen to show off their “compassionate” credentials, all while ignoring wholesale the impacts of regional discrimination and class divides.

Where Farage has clearly overreached, however, is citing the Equality Act as the primary reason for white working-class educational underachievement, while not mentioning other factors at play. To have a better understanding of the reasons behind this, it is worth considering the familial and cultural dynamics of ethnic minority communities.

One factor is the structure of other demographics in society. Some traditionally-minded minorities have a robust educational ethos — the belief that a strong academic record is the finest agent of social mobility and socio-economic stability. This can be seen in certain Asian communities when looking at recent Attainment 8 scores — a measure of pupil performance across eight GCSE-level qualifications — by ethnicity, it is Chinese-heritage schoolchildren leading the pack, with their Indian-origin peers not far behind. This can put these communities at a much greater advantage when it comes to education and future prospects.

These cultural dynamics are much less prevalent in many native working-class communities in Britain, where there are disproportionately higher rates of family breakdown and lone-parent households. This is an endemic problem, caused by a number of factors, and it puts children from these backgrounds at a clear disadvantage. While the ethnic minority experience is anything but uniform, a report published last March by the Centre for Social Justice highlighted that while only one in five poor white children live with married parents, this rises to nearly three in five for their non-white counterparts.

If the British political Right is serious about lifting educational outcomes among white working-class children, especially boys, then it must be honest about the factors behind underachievement. It is true that the Equality Act has been exploited to justify race-obsessed DEI initiatives, which genuinely exclude the white-British working classes. But to simply blame a piece of legislation for their falling behind in education ignores the social and cultural realities within such communities.

While there is a strong case to reform the Equality Act or replace it entirely with new legislation, doing so will not magically improve educational outcomes in white-British working-class areas. A broader economic malaise of regional and class disparity, deindustrialisation, a lack of secure local employment, and multi-generational poverty needs to be addressed to provide white working-class children with more favourable conditions for them to thrive at school and beyond. Right-wing leaders like Farage should be wary of indulging in the very types of racial victimhood and identity politics they seek to condemn.


Dr Rakib Ehsan is a Senior Fellow at Policy Exchange.

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China is threatening America in the AI race

Reports sugget Zhipu AI  has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

Reports sugget Zhipu AI has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

1 July 2026 - 10:18am

China is trying to catch up with America on artificial intelligence. The Wall Street Journal has reported that Zhipu AI — one of China’s six “AI tiger” LLMs — has released a new model that can rival leading US systems, including Anthropic’s Mythos, in cybersecurity tasks such as pinpointing security bugs. While this marks a milestone in China’s drive to catch up with Western AI capabilities, strong performance on a single benchmark does not mean it has taken the lead. Chinese models still lag behind their Western counterparts in broader capabilities, such as autonomous operation. Skepticism is therefore warranted before resorting to hysterical conclusions, but complacency about the geopolitical implications of China’s AI advances would be an even greater mistake.

On the infrastructure side, Chinese AI is still constrained by access to advanced chips, with American labs way ahead in computing capacity as well as investment. Analysis from earlier this year suggests that Chinese models are likely to be at least a few months behind those in the US. But they are still continuing to make progress, or that the geopolitical importance of AI will be decided only by whose LLM has ventured deeper into the technological frontier. The practical applications of AI, countries’ to capture foreign markets, and the application of AI into the real economy will matter just as much.

Here, China may hold an advantage. As with its dominance across many critical supply chains, Beijing may not need to produce the most advanced AI systems — only those that are affordable and widely deployable. In doing so, it could consolidate global influence by supplying functional, low-cost AI at scale.

Beijing seems to be pursuing exactly that path, developing an AI “open-source” strategy that offers affordable, widely available AI models for companies and individuals to use and modify as they wish. The production of the DeepSeek AI model, which matched the performance of Silicon Valley tools such as ChatGPT at a fraction of the cost for users, created goodwill among Chinese models with developers.

The four most popular models on OpenRouter, an AI hardware platform for developers, are now all Chinese. The goal for China is not only to win the frontier-model race, but to make its systems the default layer of AI adoption across industries and global markets. For most economies, the choice is increasingly between an affordable tool they can deploy now and a more robust one that may be out of reach.

And while the countries adopting Chinese models may be exposed to political pressure and cyber threats from Beijing, safer and more capable alternatives matter little if they are unaffordable. American AI companies are already under pressure to monetize products whose operating costs are rising. If Chinese open-source models become the cheap default for startups, universities, governments and businesses across the developing world, then America’s AI lead will be eroded from below.

Perhaps more concerning for America in the long run is how AI can give Chinese manufacturing even more strength, through the ongoing integration of AI as a general-purpose technology. China’s new Five-Year Plan mentioned AI more than 50 times and includes an “AI+” action plan aimed at spreading AI across the economy.

Beijing has been pioneering automation of its critical infrastructure for years, with promising recent results in increasing warplane production capacity. In that regard, China’s open-model strategy and manufacturing dominance will reinforce each other. Cheap, adaptable models accelerate deployment across the real economy while those deployments generate real-world data and use cases that can feed back into further model improvement.

The United States should not dismiss the importance of its lead in the AI race. That lead worries Beijing, not least because a more automated Chinese economy would also become more vulnerable to AI-generated cyber threats. But nor should Washington assume that China cannot catch up with American capabilities over time.

This AI competition represents part of a broader struggle over tech supply chains and geopolitical influence. Decisions over whether to adopt US or Chinese models could produce a more fragmented global reality, with different regions relying on different cloud providers, chips and security structures. The result will likely be a global economy which is divided into competing spheres, rather than one which produces a single winner.


Miquel Vila is a political and geopolitical risk consultant focusing on industrial strategy, critical infrastructure and global supply chains.

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