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Will Donald Trump betray RFK Jr?

A deadly embrace. Credit: Getty

A deadly embrace. Credit: Getty

9 October 2024 - 1:00pm

A severe weather warning this week forced the cancellation of a “Make America Healthy Again” (MAHA) virtual town hall featuring Donald Trump, Tulsi Gabbard, and Robert F. Kennedy Jr. The event, part of a series of joint appearances by the unlikely political allies, promised to tackle America’s obesity and chronic disease epidemics. Its postponement does nothing to dampen the peculiar buzz surrounding this new “Blue MAGA” super-team, which has sent shockwaves through the political establishment. But as this alliance takes shape, a question looms: will Trump ultimately betray his newfound ally?

It wouldn’t be the first time Trump has turned on a supporter. Just ask former New Jersey governor Chris Christie, who in 2016 went from being Trump’s primary opponent to his apparent surrogate before becoming his fiercest critic in what seemed like the blink of an eye. Denied a position in the new administration he helped elect, Christie serves as a cautionary tale for anyone entering Hurricane Trump’s path of political destruction — Kennedy included.

Kennedy’s recent endorsement of Trump seemed, at first glance, like a political U-turn. But a closer look reveals a more nuanced picture — one that tells us something important about the shifting tectonics of American politics.

The concept of “sheepdogging” in politics refers to the practice of using a populist candidate to herd voters toward an establishment pick. It’s a term that gained traction after Bernie Sanders’s 2016 primary run, when some accused him of ultimately steering his supporters to Hillary Clinton. It’s possible to see Kennedy playing a similar role for Trump, using his anti-establishment credibility to bring disillusioned Left-leaning and otherwise hard-to-classify progressive voters into the MAGA fold. But this strategy carries risks, particularly if Trump decides to discard Kennedy once he’s served his purpose.

At first glance, the two make for strange bedfellows. Kennedy has long railed against genetically engineered seeds and vaccine mandates, while Trump’s administration rolled out the controversial mRNA Covid-19 vaccines and made a number of regulatory changes that were favourable to the biotechnology industry. What’s more, Kennedy’s enduring environmental activism seems at odds with Trump’s climate change scepticism. Differences like these raise questions about the longevity of their partnership.

But the alliance becomes more comprehensible when viewed through the lens of anti-establishment sentiment. Both men have positioned themselves as outsiders fighting against a “rigged system” and an entrenched “deep state”. In that light, Kennedy’s ongoing crusades against Big Pharma and what he sees as Government overreach during the Covid-19 pandemic align neatly with Trump’s “drain the swamp” rhetoric and scepticism of broad-stroke public health measures such as lockdowns.

This isn’t the first time we’ve seen this kind of putative “against-their-interest” realignment. In the Eighties, many union Democrats flocked to Ronald Reagan, despite his administration’s decidedly anti-union policies. They were drawn by his strong leadership style and cultural conservatism, even as many claimed that he actively worked against their economic interests. It’s equally possible that these workers, many of whom lost their jobs during a period of rapid deindustrialisation overseen by Reagan, threw in their lot with the politician more willing to fulminate against bad behaviours by the country’s trading partners.

Kennedy’s endorsement of Trump did come with some curious caveats. His erstwhile running mate, Nicole Shanahan, told podcast host Adam Carolla that she wanted Trump to admit his Covid-era policies were wrong as a condition of their support — a demand that seems unlikely to be met by a politician not known for apologising. And Trump has made no public commitments to pursue Kennedy’s policy goals in a future administration, something that Christie learnt to his detriment. This suggests that the alliance may be more about optics than substance, setting the stage for a split down the line.

Ultimately, Kennedy’s endorsement of Trump speaks to a fundamental reality of our current political moment. For a significant portion of the electorate, cultural anti-establishment sentiment trumps traditional Left-Right policy divides. Whether you see this as a positive development or a troubling one likely depends on how far away from the centre you sit on the political spectrum, regardless of side.

The old political categories have broken down. As we hurtle toward another contentious 50:50 election, we should remember that in American politics the only constant is change. Kennedy knows the deal: the Trump train goes in one direction, so hop on or get out of the way. Like the politicians who trailed the Reagan revolution, history may soon prove his instincts shrewd. But with Trump’s fickleness unlikely to diminish, will Kennedy find himself cast aside once he becomes a less useful asset?


Oliver Bateman is a historian and journalist based in Pittsburgh. He blogs, vlogs, and podcasts at his Substack, Oliver Bateman Does the Work

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China is threatening America in the AI race

Reports sugget Zhipu AI  has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

Reports sugget Zhipu AI has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

1 July 2026 - 10:18am

China is trying to catch up with America on artificial intelligence. The Wall Street Journal has reported that Zhipu AI — one of China’s six “AI tiger” LLMs — has released a new model that can rival leading US systems, including Anthropic’s Mythos, in cybersecurity tasks such as pinpointing security bugs. While this marks a milestone in China’s drive to catch up with Western AI capabilities, strong performance on a single benchmark does not mean it has taken the lead. Chinese models still lag behind their Western counterparts in broader capabilities, such as autonomous operation. Skepticism is therefore warranted before resorting to hysterical conclusions, but complacency about the geopolitical implications of China’s AI advances would be an even greater mistake.

On the infrastructure side, Chinese AI is still constrained by access to advanced chips, with American labs way ahead in computing capacity as well as investment. Analysis from earlier this year suggests that Chinese models are likely to be at least a few months behind those in the US. But they are still continuing to make progress, or that the geopolitical importance of AI will be decided only by whose LLM has ventured deeper into the technological frontier. The practical applications of AI, countries’ to capture foreign markets, and the application of AI into the real economy will matter just as much.

Here, China may hold an advantage. As with its dominance across many critical supply chains, Beijing may not need to produce the most advanced AI systems — only those that are affordable and widely deployable. In doing so, it could consolidate global influence by supplying functional, low-cost AI at scale.

Beijing seems to be pursuing exactly that path, developing an AI “open-source” strategy that offers affordable, widely available AI models for companies and individuals to use and modify as they wish. The production of the DeepSeek AI model, which matched the performance of Silicon Valley tools such as ChatGPT at a fraction of the cost for users, created goodwill among Chinese models with developers.

The four most popular models on OpenRouter, an AI hardware platform for developers, are now all Chinese. The goal for China is not only to win the frontier-model race, but to make its systems the default layer of AI adoption across industries and global markets. For most economies, the choice is increasingly between an affordable tool they can deploy now and a more robust one that may be out of reach.

And while the countries adopting Chinese models may be exposed to political pressure and cyber threats from Beijing, safer and more capable alternatives matter little if they are unaffordable. American AI companies are already under pressure to monetize products whose operating costs are rising. If Chinese open-source models become the cheap default for startups, universities, governments and businesses across the developing world, then America’s AI lead will be eroded from below.

Perhaps more concerning for America in the long run is how AI can give Chinese manufacturing even more strength, through the ongoing integration of AI as a general-purpose technology. China’s new Five-Year Plan mentioned AI more than 50 times and includes an “AI+” action plan aimed at spreading AI across the economy.

Beijing has been pioneering automation of its critical infrastructure for years, with promising recent results in increasing warplane production capacity. In that regard, China’s open-model strategy and manufacturing dominance will reinforce each other. Cheap, adaptable models accelerate deployment across the real economy while those deployments generate real-world data and use cases that can feed back into further model improvement.

The United States should not dismiss the importance of its lead in the AI race. That lead worries Beijing, not least because a more automated Chinese economy would also become more vulnerable to AI-generated cyber threats. But nor should Washington assume that China cannot catch up with American capabilities over time.

This AI competition represents part of a broader struggle over tech supply chains and geopolitical influence. Decisions over whether to adopt US or Chinese models could produce a more fragmented global reality, with different regions relying on different cloud providers, chips and security structures. The result will likely be a global economy which is divided into competing spheres, rather than one which produces a single winner.


Miquel Vila is a political and geopolitical risk consultant focusing on industrial strategy, critical infrastructure and global supply chains.

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