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What Jack Thorne gets wrong about the manosphere

Adolescence writer Jack Thorne appears on Question Time this week. Credit: BBC

Adolescence writer Jack Thorne appears on Question Time this week. Credit: BBC

June 21 2025 - 12:00pm

When I was a boy, my friends and I used to scare each other at Cub camps by telling scary stories or repeating urban legends. Insane serial killers, ghosts and demons featured heavily. It was all good, clean fun — to be expected if you put half a dozen imaginative nine- and 10-year olds in a tent together in the dark. Many others will no doubt have had similar experiences.

It’s a little less fun, however, when grown adults in positions of power and responsibility get each other worked up with tales of folk devils, the latest of which are the spectres of “incel culture” and the “manosphere”. Jack Thorne, writer of the Netflix drama Adolescence, appeared on the BBC’s Question Time this week, suggesting that those twin monsters were “terrifying things that are coming for our young men”. In his telling, they are damaging the psyche of teenage boys by promoting narrow and superficial images of manhood.

Thorne is not entirely wrong, of course: boys need a wide range of role models, beyond the conventionally handsome and chiselled Adonises of Instagram and fitness TikTok. He mentioned his own admiration for Jarvis Cocker, who inspired him growing up in the Nineties as a “skinny weirdo”; I was also a bookish, shy and slim teenager, so I can sympathize.

Nevertheless, we should be skeptical of the more hyperbolic concerns about influences on teenage boys and young men. For instance, while 84% of 13 to 15-year-old boys in the UK have heard of Andrew Tate, only 23% hold a positive view of the influencer, compared to 53% who have a negative opinion of him. At the height of Adolescence-mania back in the spring, when questions were being asked in Parliament about fictional events in a TV programme, the BBC interviewed a teenage boy who said he didn’t even know what “incel” meant — his middle-aged father had to explain the term.

What’s more, the critical net seems to be cast far too widely when it comes to media figures who speak predominantly to men and boys. Jordan Peterson is often lumped in with more crude and sinister figures, even though his message of personal discipline, individual responsibility and self-denial is entirely at odds with the sexual libertinism and aggression pushed by Tate and others. Meanwhile, prominent gym influencers are mostly supportive, good-natured and encouraging of their audience, with Joey Swoll — who has a predominantly male following of millions — posting videos commending the efforts of gym novices and rebuking any rudeness to them.

There is undoubtedly also a political agenda at play in the establishment preoccupation with supposed bad influences on boys. Reading some of the critiques, it’s hard to escape the impression that in many cases their real sin is daring to tell young men that there are distinctively masculine virtues and roles in society, that there is nothing wrong with the desire to be assertive and direct and admired.

For obvious reasons, this is a much more attractive and engaging message than the finger-wagging and hectoring which male energy and initiative tends to attract from most manifestations of Official Britain: schools, universities, workplaces, and the BBC. Healthy masculinity, in this view, comes from male self-abnegation — from becoming passive and compliant, and embracing therapeutic openness. Perhaps that is good for some men, but for many others it will only lead to frustration and unhappiness.


Niall Gooch is a public sector worker and occasional writer who lives in Kent.

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China is threatening America in the AI race

Reports sugget Zhipu AI  has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

Reports sugget Zhipu AI has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

July 1 2026 - 10:18am

China is trying to catch up with America on artificial intelligence. The Wall Street Journal has reported that Zhipu AI — one of China’s six “AI tiger” LLMs — has released a new model that can rival leading US systems, including Anthropic’s Mythos, in cybersecurity tasks such as pinpointing security bugs. While this marks a milestone in China’s drive to catch up with Western AI capabilities, strong performance on a single benchmark does not mean it has taken the lead. Chinese models still lag behind their Western counterparts in broader capabilities, such as autonomous operation. Skepticism is therefore warranted before resorting to hysterical conclusions, but complacency about the geopolitical implications of China’s AI advances would be an even greater mistake.

On the infrastructure side, Chinese AI is still constrained by access to advanced chips, with American labs way ahead in computing capacity as well as investment. Analysis from earlier this year suggests that Chinese models are likely to be at least a few months behind those in the US. But they are still continuing to make progress, or that the geopolitical importance of AI will be decided only by whose LLM has ventured deeper into the technological frontier. The practical applications of AI, countries’ to capture foreign markets, and the application of AI into the real economy will matter just as much.

Here, China may hold an advantage. As with its dominance across many critical supply chains, Beijing may not need to produce the most advanced AI systems — only those that are affordable and widely deployable. In doing so, it could consolidate global influence by supplying functional, low-cost AI at scale.

Beijing seems to be pursuing exactly that path, developing an AI “open-source” strategy that offers affordable, widely available AI models for companies and individuals to use and modify as they wish. The production of the DeepSeek AI model, which matched the performance of Silicon Valley tools such as ChatGPT at a fraction of the cost for users, created goodwill among Chinese models with developers.

The four most popular models on OpenRouter, an AI hardware platform for developers, are now all Chinese. The goal for China is not only to win the frontier-model race, but to make its systems the default layer of AI adoption across industries and global markets. For most economies, the choice is increasingly between an affordable tool they can deploy now and a more robust one that may be out of reach.

And while the countries adopting Chinese models may be exposed to political pressure and cyber threats from Beijing, safer and more capable alternatives matter little if they are unaffordable. American AI companies are already under pressure to monetize products whose operating costs are rising. If Chinese open-source models become the cheap default for startups, universities, governments and businesses across the developing world, then America’s AI lead will be eroded from below.

Perhaps more concerning for America in the long run is how AI can give Chinese manufacturing even more strength, through the ongoing integration of AI as a general-purpose technology. China’s new Five-Year Plan mentioned AI more than 50 times and includes an “AI+” action plan aimed at spreading AI across the economy.

Beijing has been pioneering automation of its critical infrastructure for years, with promising recent results in increasing warplane production capacity. In that regard, China’s open-model strategy and manufacturing dominance will reinforce each other. Cheap, adaptable models accelerate deployment across the real economy while those deployments generate real-world data and use cases that can feed back into further model improvement.

The United States should not dismiss the importance of its lead in the AI race. That lead worries Beijing, not least because a more automated Chinese economy would also become more vulnerable to AI-generated cyber threats. But nor should Washington assume that China cannot catch up with American capabilities over time.

This AI competition represents part of a broader struggle over tech supply chains and geopolitical influence. Decisions over whether to adopt US or Chinese models could produce a more fragmented global reality, with different regions relying on different cloud providers, chips and security structures. The result will likely be a global economy which is divided into competing spheres, rather than one which produces a single winner.


Miquel Vila is a political and geopolitical risk consultant focusing on industrial strategy, critical infrastructure and global supply chains.

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