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Is Trump’s gender medicine review America’s Cass moment?

Trans activists have highlighted the anonymity of the new report's authors. Credit: Getty

Trans activists have highlighted the anonymity of the new report’s authors. Credit: Getty

1 May 2025 - 8:00pm

On 28 January US President Donald Trump published Executive Order 14187, “Protecting Children from Chemical and Surgical Mutilation”. The order claimed that the “irreversible medical interventions […] will be a stain on our Nation’s history, and it must end”.

The EO not only demanded the shutdown of “gender-affirming care”, but also “Ending Reliance on Junk Science”. It singled out the World Professional Association for Transgender Health (WPATH), the advocacy group of doctors, psychologists, lawyers, electrologists and other non-experts which appointed itself to create “standards of care”.

Trump called for a review into “best practices for promoting the health of children who assert gender dysphoria, rapid-onset gender dysphoria, or other identity-based confusion”. This morning that review, “Treatment for Pediatric Gender Dysphoria: Review of Evidence and Best Practices”, was published.

Many advocates of gender-affirming care are billing this report — 409 pages, including citations — as the American version of the UK’s Cass Review. “While the need for respect and compassion resonates with all reasonable Americans,” it reads, “an invasive treatment with lifelong ramifications deserves the highest level of dispassionate scrutiny.” However, it goes further than the Cass Review, which was a relatively dispassionate evaluation of the state of gender youth medicine, with the goal of improving it. This review is a comprehensive series of arguments about why the entire paediatric gender medicine industry should be dismantled.

The review begins by rehashing what many of us already know about the actual evidence for youth gender-affirming care, and what its supporters deny: there is none. Rather than conduct yet another systematic evidence review — which evaluates not just the conclusions of studies, but their reliability — the authors compiled an umbrella review. That’s essentially a review of reviews, which all came to the same conclusion in what Cass concluded was an area of “remarkably weak evidence”.

And yet this report, while not explicitly making suggestions about guidelines or reforms to the industry, ranges from evaluating evidence to exploring the ethics of treatments. First, it says we don’t even know what we’re treating, in part because we can’t define the terms. In a chapter on terminology, the authors point out that gender identity is defined as “a person’s deeply felt, internal, intrinsic sense of their own gender”. This is a circular definition. Gender-affirming care actually refers to cross-sex hormones, puberty blockers and surgeries like mastectomies or orchiectomies, but using this vague term obscures that reality. Surely, if the original moniker for young people who transitioned — “juvenile transsexual” — were still used, instead of “trans kid”, we’d have seen fewer of them. If we can’t even define what we’re treating, how do we know if treatments are working? After all, gender dysphoria itself is “currently impossible to measure”.

WPATH famously nixed its own chapter on ethics, but this review finally delivers one. Is it morally right to give young people these treatments, when we have no way to measure risks and benefits, when we have no concrete evidence, when we have no standard definitions of the problems or the solutions? “A natural response to the absence of credible evidence is to call for more and better research,” the review states. “Even if high quality research such as randomized controlled trials on pubertal suppression or hormone therapy were feasible,” it goes on, “conducting it may conflict with well-established ethical standards for human subjects research.” Because the research is so scant, there’s no way to ethically conduct studies on, say, puberty blockers, according to the review.

Those authors aren’t named, “in order to help maintain the integrity of this process”, per a press release. Ostensibly, they want it to be about what’s in the report, not who wrote it. Still, trans activists are rejoicing over the anonymity, dangling it as reason to dismiss the report.

Not that they needed help with that. After all, it comes from the Trump administration via an agency headed by vaccine sceptic Robert F. Kennedy Jr. That may be why the press release cites the well-respected NIH Director Dr Jay Bhattacharya, rather than Trump or Kennedy. “Our duty is to protect our nation’s children — not expose them to unproven and irreversible medical interventions,” Bhattacharya said. “We must follow the gold standard of science, not activist agendas.” The messenger should not be as important as the message, but in such a politicised environment, unfortunately, it surely will be.


Lisa Selin Davis is the author of Tomboy. She writes at Broadview on Substack.

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China is threatening America in the AI race

Reports sugget Zhipu AI  has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

Reports sugget Zhipu AI has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

1 July 2026 - 10:18am

China is trying to catch up with America on artificial intelligence. The Wall Street Journal has reported that Zhipu AI — one of China’s six “AI tiger” LLMs — has released a new model that can rival leading US systems, including Anthropic’s Mythos, in cybersecurity tasks such as pinpointing security bugs. While this marks a milestone in China’s drive to catch up with Western AI capabilities, strong performance on a single benchmark does not mean it has taken the lead. Chinese models still lag behind their Western counterparts in broader capabilities, such as autonomous operation. Skepticism is therefore warranted before resorting to hysterical conclusions, but complacency about the geopolitical implications of China’s AI advances would be an even greater mistake.

On the infrastructure side, Chinese AI is still constrained by access to advanced chips, with American labs way ahead in computing capacity as well as investment. Analysis from earlier this year suggests that Chinese models are likely to be at least a few months behind those in the US. But they are still continuing to make progress, or that the geopolitical importance of AI will be decided only by whose LLM has ventured deeper into the technological frontier. The practical applications of AI, countries’ to capture foreign markets, and the application of AI into the real economy will matter just as much.

Here, China may hold an advantage. As with its dominance across many critical supply chains, Beijing may not need to produce the most advanced AI systems — only those that are affordable and widely deployable. In doing so, it could consolidate global influence by supplying functional, low-cost AI at scale.

Beijing seems to be pursuing exactly that path, developing an AI “open-source” strategy that offers affordable, widely available AI models for companies and individuals to use and modify as they wish. The production of the DeepSeek AI model, which matched the performance of Silicon Valley tools such as ChatGPT at a fraction of the cost for users, created goodwill among Chinese models with developers.

The four most popular models on OpenRouter, an AI hardware platform for developers, are now all Chinese. The goal for China is not only to win the frontier-model race, but to make its systems the default layer of AI adoption across industries and global markets. For most economies, the choice is increasingly between an affordable tool they can deploy now and a more robust one that may be out of reach.

And while the countries adopting Chinese models may be exposed to political pressure and cyber threats from Beijing, safer and more capable alternatives matter little if they are unaffordable. American AI companies are already under pressure to monetize products whose operating costs are rising. If Chinese open-source models become the cheap default for startups, universities, governments and businesses across the developing world, then America’s AI lead will be eroded from below.

Perhaps more concerning for America in the long run is how AI can give Chinese manufacturing even more strength, through the ongoing integration of AI as a general-purpose technology. China’s new Five-Year Plan mentioned AI more than 50 times and includes an “AI+” action plan aimed at spreading AI across the economy.

Beijing has been pioneering automation of its critical infrastructure for years, with promising recent results in increasing warplane production capacity. In that regard, China’s open-model strategy and manufacturing dominance will reinforce each other. Cheap, adaptable models accelerate deployment across the real economy while those deployments generate real-world data and use cases that can feed back into further model improvement.

The United States should not dismiss the importance of its lead in the AI race. That lead worries Beijing, not least because a more automated Chinese economy would also become more vulnerable to AI-generated cyber threats. But nor should Washington assume that China cannot catch up with American capabilities over time.

This AI competition represents part of a broader struggle over tech supply chains and geopolitical influence. Decisions over whether to adopt US or Chinese models could produce a more fragmented global reality, with different regions relying on different cloud providers, chips and security structures. The result will likely be a global economy which is divided into competing spheres, rather than one which produces a single winner.


Miquel Vila is a political and geopolitical risk consultant focusing on industrial strategy, critical infrastructure and global supply chains.

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