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Trump, like Obama, is overreaching on gender in schools

'This directive muzzles educators once again.' Credit: Getty

‘This directive muzzles educators once again.’ Credit: Getty

28 August 2025 - 4:45pm

Think back to a time when the federal government threatened schools over how they approached gender issues. No, it wasn’t Trump’s doing — though now he’s doing it too.

Earlier this week, Trump’s Administration for Children and Families (ACF) sent letters to 46 states, ordering them to “remove all references to gender ideology” from the federally funded Personal Responsibility Education Program (PREP), claiming it was necessary to shield “children from attempts to indoctrinate them with delusional ideology”.

PREP includes teaching that every person has a gender identity — an internal sense of being male, female, both, or neither — and that a mismatch between identity and body defines someone as transgender. It covers the right to assert that identity, including asking others to use chosen pronouns. It introduces concepts like non-binary or genderqueer — people who don’t fit conventional gender categories — and explains what each letter in LGBTQIA+ represents. Even in red states such as Alabama and Tennessee, these lessons were being taught. They have been ordered to stop.

Some people may decry this move as erasing transgender people, lambasting it as governmental overreach. After all, much of what happens in schools is usually decided at the local level, by districts and school boards.

But those same people likely cheered nearly 10 years ago, when former President Obama rewrote the federal Title IX act. In 2016, Obama’s Departments of Justice and Education released a “Dear Colleague Letter on Transgender Students”, which noted that, “as a condition of receiving federal funds,” schools must “treat a student’s gender identity as the student’s sex”.

That meant that “school staff and contractors will use pronouns and names consistent with a transgender student’s gender identity”, and that “transgender students must be allowed to participate” in sports and sex-segregated facilities “consistent with their gender identity”.

In the name of protecting students, Obama’s staff insisted that every person involved in schools affirm subjective realities. This ultimately led to allowing boys in girls’ sports, bathrooms, and locker rooms, and teaching ideas about gender identity as facts. That meant that anyone pointing out that there are multiple ways of understanding the concept of gender identity was a bigot, a heretic, or a science-denier. And it meant that school employees risked losing federal funds unless they went along, even if they objected to these ideas on moral, philosophical, ethical, or scientific grounds.

Now, Trump is doing the same, but in reverse.

I’ll admit that I am a critic of the way gender identity has been taught since Obama imposed it onto our educational system. My own kids learned that a person can be a boy on the inside and a girl on the outside, as well as a host of myths presented as facts and facts presented as myths. I watched as states passed policies allowing schools to hide students’ gender identities from parents, and as gender teachings grew increasingly strange.

This was not the way to cultivate incisive minds. I would prefer that educators themselves shift the curricula to be more inclusive of diversity — diversity of thought, that is. I would prefer they teach critical thinking, and not belief systems. But they had years to self-correct, and didn’t budge. Thus: the heavy hand of Trump, wiping the slate clean.

The problem is, Trump and his administration are just as censorious. What if someone wants to teach about the history of gender identity, where the idea of a sense of your sex came from, or how different cultures have understood it? What if they wanted a unit on the fight in schools over gender identity, which would encourage spirited debate and critical thinking? They couldn’t do so.

More than erasing gender identity from curricula, we need to reinvent schools as places of deep learning and critical thinking. This directive doesn’t do that. Instead, it muzzles educators once again.


Lisa Selin Davis is the author of Tomboy. She writes at Broadview on Substack.

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China is threatening America in the AI race

Reports sugget Zhipu AI  has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

Reports sugget Zhipu AI has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

1 July 2026 - 10:18am

China is trying to catch up with America on artificial intelligence. The Wall Street Journal has reported that Zhipu AI — one of China’s six “AI tiger” LLMs — has released a new model that can rival leading US systems, including Anthropic’s Mythos, in cybersecurity tasks such as pinpointing security bugs. While this marks a milestone in China’s drive to catch up with Western AI capabilities, strong performance on a single benchmark does not mean it has taken the lead. Chinese models still lag behind their Western counterparts in broader capabilities, such as autonomous operation. Skepticism is therefore warranted before resorting to hysterical conclusions, but complacency about the geopolitical implications of China’s AI advances would be an even greater mistake.

On the infrastructure side, Chinese AI is still constrained by access to advanced chips, with American labs way ahead in computing capacity as well as investment. Analysis from earlier this year suggests that Chinese models are likely to be at least a few months behind those in the US. But they are still continuing to make progress, or that the geopolitical importance of AI will be decided only by whose LLM has ventured deeper into the technological frontier. The practical applications of AI, countries’ to capture foreign markets, and the application of AI into the real economy will matter just as much.

Here, China may hold an advantage. As with its dominance across many critical supply chains, Beijing may not need to produce the most advanced AI systems — only those that are affordable and widely deployable. In doing so, it could consolidate global influence by supplying functional, low-cost AI at scale.

Beijing seems to be pursuing exactly that path, developing an AI “open-source” strategy that offers affordable, widely available AI models for companies and individuals to use and modify as they wish. The production of the DeepSeek AI model, which matched the performance of Silicon Valley tools such as ChatGPT at a fraction of the cost for users, created goodwill among Chinese models with developers.

The four most popular models on OpenRouter, an AI hardware platform for developers, are now all Chinese. The goal for China is not only to win the frontier-model race, but to make its systems the default layer of AI adoption across industries and global markets. For most economies, the choice is increasingly between an affordable tool they can deploy now and a more robust one that may be out of reach.

And while the countries adopting Chinese models may be exposed to political pressure and cyber threats from Beijing, safer and more capable alternatives matter little if they are unaffordable. American AI companies are already under pressure to monetize products whose operating costs are rising. If Chinese open-source models become the cheap default for startups, universities, governments and businesses across the developing world, then America’s AI lead will be eroded from below.

Perhaps more concerning for America in the long run is how AI can give Chinese manufacturing even more strength, through the ongoing integration of AI as a general-purpose technology. China’s new Five-Year Plan mentioned AI more than 50 times and includes an “AI+” action plan aimed at spreading AI across the economy.

Beijing has been pioneering automation of its critical infrastructure for years, with promising recent results in increasing warplane production capacity. In that regard, China’s open-model strategy and manufacturing dominance will reinforce each other. Cheap, adaptable models accelerate deployment across the real economy while those deployments generate real-world data and use cases that can feed back into further model improvement.

The United States should not dismiss the importance of its lead in the AI race. That lead worries Beijing, not least because a more automated Chinese economy would also become more vulnerable to AI-generated cyber threats. But nor should Washington assume that China cannot catch up with American capabilities over time.

This AI competition represents part of a broader struggle over tech supply chains and geopolitical influence. Decisions over whether to adopt US or Chinese models could produce a more fragmented global reality, with different regions relying on different cloud providers, chips and security structures. The result will likely be a global economy which is divided into competing spheres, rather than one which produces a single winner.


Miquel Vila is a political and geopolitical risk consultant focusing on industrial strategy, critical infrastructure and global supply chains.

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