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Triple H is the perfect embodiment of MAGA fitness

Triple H is the face of American youth fitness. Credit: Getty

Triple H is the face of American youth fitness. Credit: Getty

August 2 2025 - 4:00pm

When Paul Levesque, better known as Triple H, walked through the White House on Thursday in the style of one of his signature WrestleMania entrances, it was no mere photo op. He was there to announce the return of the Presidential Fitness Test — a once-iconic program that measured the physical performance of American schoolchildren through pull-ups, sit-ups, and a timed mile run.

The test, which used objective benchmarks of excellence, was phased out in 2012. Critics argued that it humiliated less athletic students and pushed schools toward more subjective, individualized standards instead. Its welcome return could address America’s childhood obesity crisis — 20% of children and adolescents in the US are obese — and declining physical fitness standards. But having Triple H, who presides over a company that has been investigated multiple times for health and safety issues, lead this effort is yet another clear signal that the administration values spectacle over substance.

This is, after all, a man who once tore his quadriceps so badly you could see the muscle rolled up under his skin; who told his nutritionist Dave Palumbo he’d “love to” take large doses of steroids; and who retired after cardiac issues suspiciously similar to those seen in long-term performance-enhancing drug users. He is now becoming the face of American youth fitness.

Clearly, there is something in the theatre of WWE that Trump utilizes in his own line of work. Better than anyone before or since, Trump mastered the wrestling promoter’s understanding that television doesn’t just broadcast reality but creates it, turning every appearance into a worked shoot where the audience can’t tell what’s genuine. His braggadocious persona, honed through decades of tabloid coverage, reality TV, and occasional pro wrestling appearances, mirrors the larger-than-life characters who succeed in wrestling by making outrageous claims seem plausible through sheer force of personality. Americans respond to this because, like wrestling fans, they’d rather be entertained and perhaps even taken advantage of by someone who admits the system is rigged than bored by someone who pretends it isn’t.

This sort of thing is like mother’s milk for the young men who form WWE and UFC’s core audience, that crucial 18-29 demographic where Trump made significant gains in 2024. They’re increasingly choosing between alternative institutions and personalities that respect their interests, such as Joe Rogan, Sam Hyde, and the Nelk Boys versus the seemingly too-woke NBA or now-cancelled late night host Stephen Colbert. Triple H understands this dynamic well. That’s why he can serve as the face of children’s fitness programming while embodying everything problematic about modern athletics.

The parallels with Dana White are instructive. Both men have transformed their properties from fringe entertainment into MAGA cultural touchstones through a combination of personal loyalty to Trump and understanding of their audience’s politics. When Trump appeared at UFC 309 flanked by Robert F. Kennedy Jr. and Elon Musk, with Jon Jones doing the “Trump dance” after his victory, it felt like a coronation. WWE offers something complementary: explicitly theatrical politics where the kind of aggressive performance perfected by Trump is the point. While UFC serves up authentic violence and spectacle, WWE delivers scripted performances that shape reality through violent narrative.

In Trump’s America, contradiction is not a bug — it’s the feature. The blend of WWE performance and MAGA politics no longer jars, because politics itself has become performance. In the society of the spectacle, credibility is optional. What matters is the show.


Oliver Bateman is a historian and journalist based in Pittsburgh. He blogs, vlogs, and podcasts at his Substack, Oliver Bateman Does the Work

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China is threatening America in the AI race

Reports sugget Zhipu AI  has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

Reports sugget Zhipu AI has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

July 1 2026 - 10:18am

China is trying to catch up with America on artificial intelligence. The Wall Street Journal has reported that Zhipu AI — one of China’s six “AI tiger” LLMs — has released a new model that can rival leading US systems, including Anthropic’s Mythos, in cybersecurity tasks such as pinpointing security bugs. While this marks a milestone in China’s drive to catch up with Western AI capabilities, strong performance on a single benchmark does not mean it has taken the lead. Chinese models still lag behind their Western counterparts in broader capabilities, such as autonomous operation. Skepticism is therefore warranted before resorting to hysterical conclusions, but complacency about the geopolitical implications of China’s AI advances would be an even greater mistake.

On the infrastructure side, Chinese AI is still constrained by access to advanced chips, with American labs way ahead in computing capacity as well as investment. Analysis from earlier this year suggests that Chinese models are likely to be at least a few months behind those in the US. But they are still continuing to make progress, or that the geopolitical importance of AI will be decided only by whose LLM has ventured deeper into the technological frontier. The practical applications of AI, countries’ to capture foreign markets, and the application of AI into the real economy will matter just as much.

Here, China may hold an advantage. As with its dominance across many critical supply chains, Beijing may not need to produce the most advanced AI systems — only those that are affordable and widely deployable. In doing so, it could consolidate global influence by supplying functional, low-cost AI at scale.

Beijing seems to be pursuing exactly that path, developing an AI “open-source” strategy that offers affordable, widely available AI models for companies and individuals to use and modify as they wish. The production of the DeepSeek AI model, which matched the performance of Silicon Valley tools such as ChatGPT at a fraction of the cost for users, created goodwill among Chinese models with developers.

The four most popular models on OpenRouter, an AI hardware platform for developers, are now all Chinese. The goal for China is not only to win the frontier-model race, but to make its systems the default layer of AI adoption across industries and global markets. For most economies, the choice is increasingly between an affordable tool they can deploy now and a more robust one that may be out of reach.

And while the countries adopting Chinese models may be exposed to political pressure and cyber threats from Beijing, safer and more capable alternatives matter little if they are unaffordable. American AI companies are already under pressure to monetize products whose operating costs are rising. If Chinese open-source models become the cheap default for startups, universities, governments and businesses across the developing world, then America’s AI lead will be eroded from below.

Perhaps more concerning for America in the long run is how AI can give Chinese manufacturing even more strength, through the ongoing integration of AI as a general-purpose technology. China’s new Five-Year Plan mentioned AI more than 50 times and includes an “AI+” action plan aimed at spreading AI across the economy.

Beijing has been pioneering automation of its critical infrastructure for years, with promising recent results in increasing warplane production capacity. In that regard, China’s open-model strategy and manufacturing dominance will reinforce each other. Cheap, adaptable models accelerate deployment across the real economy while those deployments generate real-world data and use cases that can feed back into further model improvement.

The United States should not dismiss the importance of its lead in the AI race. That lead worries Beijing, not least because a more automated Chinese economy would also become more vulnerable to AI-generated cyber threats. But nor should Washington assume that China cannot catch up with American capabilities over time.

This AI competition represents part of a broader struggle over tech supply chains and geopolitical influence. Decisions over whether to adopt US or Chinese models could produce a more fragmented global reality, with different regions relying on different cloud providers, chips and security structures. The result will likely be a global economy which is divided into competing spheres, rather than one which produces a single winner.


Miquel Vila is a political and geopolitical risk consultant focusing on industrial strategy, critical infrastructure and global supply chains.

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