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Tim Walz shows that Democrats don’t believe in free speech

Walz's 'snitch line' during Covid has some worried about his free speech credentials. Credit: Getty

Walz’s ‘snitch line’ during Covid has some worried about his free speech credentials. Credit: Getty

8 August 2024 - 7:00pm

In a recent clip that has garnered significant attention on social media, Tim Walz, Kamala Harris’s recently announced running mate, told MSNBC that “misinformation” is not protected speech. The clip has sparked debate about Walz and where he believes the boundaries of free speech lie. But it’s also raising questions about what free speech would look like under a possible Harris-Walz administration.

In reality, the issue goes far beyond Walz and Harris, extending deep into the Democratic Party’s revised stance on freedom of expression. For decades Democrats were seen as the free speech party, with institutional allies like the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) going to lengths — like defending the rights of neo-Nazis to march — to prove the point. But it’s evidence that the political dynamic has flipped as Democrats now equate free speech with the Right.

As Glen Greenwald wrote in a post on X: “That Tim Walz falsely believes the free speech guarantee doesn’t include what he considers to be ‘misinformation’ or ‘hate speech’ will bother almost no Dem supporters, since the vast majority of them want the state to be empowered to censor dissent.”

Until recent years, Democrats enjoyed a virtual monopoly on information governance since their only real pipeline for information distribution, the mainstream media, sat squarely in their political camp. The media proved itself willing to play ball at almost any cost, a phenomenon that culminated in the media-wide effort to spread mostly unsubstantiated claims about Donald Trump’s ties to Russia.

For most of the past 20 years, Big Tech companies that controlled the major social media platforms were similarly aligned with the Democratic Party. The social platforms were often in lock step with the media — and, as it were, the Democratic Party — on key issues, like the effort to censor and discredit as “Russian disinformation” the Hunter Biden laptop. Major platforms including Twitter, Instagram and Facebook also indefinitely suspended President Trump after 6 January.

But the media monopoly on information distribution is over. With Zuckerberg’s “vibe shift” away from the technocratic Left and towards a patriotic, pro-Americanism, which includes calling Trump’s reaction to his attempted assassination “badass,” and Twitter, now rebranded as X, in the hands of Elon Musk, the misinformation party is over for Democrats. What remains is a blunt campaign to clamp down on content through the use of law and regulation or third-party pressure groups like the Global Alliance for Responsible Media, a media pressure group being sued by Musk for unfairly targeting X with an advertiser boycott.

Walz’s stance on this issue is not entirely surprising given his actions during the Covid-19 pandemic, when he implemented a “snitch line” where citizens could report businesses and individuals violating pandemic restrictions. This approach drew criticism for encouraging surveillance and potentially stifling dissent.

Harris doesn’t fare much better when it comes to the question of freedom of speech. As California’s Attorney General, the Vice President faced criticism for allegedly misusing her power to target conservatives by demanding the disclosure of donor lists from nonprofit organisations, a move seen as an attempt to intimidate and silence political opponents. The Supreme Court ultimately ruled against her, reaffirming the importance of donor privacy and free association.

In the media, a growing narrative holds that Harris has been targeted by purveyors of disinformation on account of her race and sex. NPR turned to Nina Jankowicz, former head of the Biden administration’s ill-fated Disinformation Governance Board, who told the Left-wing news outlet that Harris is being unfairly targeted. This kind of positioning of speech as a weapon used against vulnerable people (even when that “vulnerable” person is one of the most powerful people in the country) could enable further crack downs.

Given Walz’s clearly stated views on speech coupled with Harris’ record, there’s a serious question about what kind of policies a Harris-Walz administration would advance. The ticket raises significant concerns about the potential erosion of free speech and the expansion of governmental power at a moment when not just Americans but people around the world are rallying for their right to speak openly and without fear of government-directed reprisals.


China is threatening America in the AI race

Reports sugget Zhipu AI  has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

Reports sugget Zhipu AI has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

1 July 2026 - 10:18am

China is trying to catch up with America on artificial intelligence. The Wall Street Journal has reported that Zhipu AI — one of China’s six “AI tiger” LLMs — has released a new model that can rival leading US systems, including Anthropic’s Mythos, in cybersecurity tasks such as pinpointing security bugs. While this marks a milestone in China’s drive to catch up with Western AI capabilities, strong performance on a single benchmark does not mean it has taken the lead. Chinese models still lag behind their Western counterparts in broader capabilities, such as autonomous operation. Skepticism is therefore warranted before resorting to hysterical conclusions, but complacency about the geopolitical implications of China’s AI advances would be an even greater mistake.

On the infrastructure side, Chinese AI is still constrained by access to advanced chips, with American labs way ahead in computing capacity as well as investment. Analysis from earlier this year suggests that Chinese models are likely to be at least a few months behind those in the US. But they are still continuing to make progress, or that the geopolitical importance of AI will be decided only by whose LLM has ventured deeper into the technological frontier. The practical applications of AI, countries’ to capture foreign markets, and the application of AI into the real economy will matter just as much.

Here, China may hold an advantage. As with its dominance across many critical supply chains, Beijing may not need to produce the most advanced AI systems — only those that are affordable and widely deployable. In doing so, it could consolidate global influence by supplying functional, low-cost AI at scale.

Beijing seems to be pursuing exactly that path, developing an AI “open-source” strategy that offers affordable, widely available AI models for companies and individuals to use and modify as they wish. The production of the DeepSeek AI model, which matched the performance of Silicon Valley tools such as ChatGPT at a fraction of the cost for users, created goodwill among Chinese models with developers.

The four most popular models on OpenRouter, an AI hardware platform for developers, are now all Chinese. The goal for China is not only to win the frontier-model race, but to make its systems the default layer of AI adoption across industries and global markets. For most economies, the choice is increasingly between an affordable tool they can deploy now and a more robust one that may be out of reach.

And while the countries adopting Chinese models may be exposed to political pressure and cyber threats from Beijing, safer and more capable alternatives matter little if they are unaffordable. American AI companies are already under pressure to monetize products whose operating costs are rising. If Chinese open-source models become the cheap default for startups, universities, governments and businesses across the developing world, then America’s AI lead will be eroded from below.

Perhaps more concerning for America in the long run is how AI can give Chinese manufacturing even more strength, through the ongoing integration of AI as a general-purpose technology. China’s new Five-Year Plan mentioned AI more than 50 times and includes an “AI+” action plan aimed at spreading AI across the economy.

Beijing has been pioneering automation of its critical infrastructure for years, with promising recent results in increasing warplane production capacity. In that regard, China’s open-model strategy and manufacturing dominance will reinforce each other. Cheap, adaptable models accelerate deployment across the real economy while those deployments generate real-world data and use cases that can feed back into further model improvement.

The United States should not dismiss the importance of its lead in the AI race. That lead worries Beijing, not least because a more automated Chinese economy would also become more vulnerable to AI-generated cyber threats. But nor should Washington assume that China cannot catch up with American capabilities over time.

This AI competition represents part of a broader struggle over tech supply chains and geopolitical influence. Decisions over whether to adopt US or Chinese models could produce a more fragmented global reality, with different regions relying on different cloud providers, chips and security structures. The result will likely be a global economy which is divided into competing spheres, rather than one which produces a single winner.


Miquel Vila is a political and geopolitical risk consultant focusing on industrial strategy, critical infrastructure and global supply chains.

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