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The National Guard won’t stop blue-city crime

Trump has more leeway in DC than in other cities. Credit: Getty

Trump has more leeway in DC than in other cities. Credit: Getty

August 25 2025 - 4:00pm

After sending National Guard troops and federal law enforcement personnel into Washington, DC earlier this month, President Donald Trump is now threatening to do the same to Chicago and New York. Is this old-fashioned law and order or, as some critics maintain, a descent into a police state?

Enforcing existing laws does not turn the country into North Korea, but sending troops into American cities would be a vast overreach of federal executive power — not to mention being largely ineffective. Mere bluster aligns with Trump’s style, but taking real steps in this direction would be a political and legal disaster.

Legally, Trump has a lot of leeway in what he does in Washington, DC. The nation’s capital is under the direct control of the federal government. That’s not a loophole or a mistake, it’s how the place was designed and written into the Constitution.

It’s that way for a reason. In 1783, before the Constitution was written, Congress met in Philadelphia and had no control over their environs. When a mob of troops, their pay long-delayed by wartime expediency, marched on Philadelphia and threatened Congress, the legislature had no protection except what the state’s governor would grant them. Congress asked the governor to call out the militia to protect them. He refused, and Congress fled to New Jersey in ignominy.

The situation in Washington is not so dire, but the cause of the tumult is not dissimilar: the local jurisdiction’s refusal to enforce its laws. But now, even as Congress has granted limited home rule to the District, it left plenty of room for the federal government to take back control if necessary. Trump did so, and the action will be upheld in court.

It may also be upheld in public opinion. Since the day the troops were called in, DC has had zero murders. And Trump has not issued new laws by decree, as one presumes a dictator would. He merely ordered the criminal code — as it was written by the local government and Congress — to be enforced. This is not a police state.

But Trump has no such power over the states and their subdivisions. Moreover, calling out the Guard will likely have little long-term effect on the crime there. Guardsmen are not policemen — they’re not trained to be. Their presence can restore order when criminality has escalated beyond the local cops’ power to control, as in the Los Angeles Riots of 1992. But once that lawlessness dies down, their presence changes little. What DC needs is more cops to be hired and trained. The Guard and federal law enforcement can fill the gap until that happens, but it’s only a stop-gap.

“Call out the National Guard” holds the same emotional resonance for conservatives as “send more social workers” does for the Left. Both might help in a few edge cases, but neither is a solution in itself. It just feels like “doing something”.

Will National Guardsmen on the streets of New York bring down crime in that city — which is already much safer than Washington? Probably not. The problem in New York, Chicago, and most other American cities is not that there aren’t enough cops. It’s that progressive district attorneys and liberal judges don’t put criminals in jail. They turn them loose with light bail, suspended sentences, and probation for people who are well past their first offenses.

None of that would change if Trump sends National Guardsmen to Chicago or New York. The local DA’s offices are still the ones charging whoever gets arrested, and the same state court judges are interpreting the same loose criminal laws to turn them loose. It is not a problem the president can fix.

Violent crime is too high in American cities, but the solution must come from the voters there, not from the White House.


Kyle Sammin is the managing editor of Broad + Liberty. Follow him on Twitter at @KyleSammin.


China is threatening America in the AI race

Reports sugget Zhipu AI  has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

Reports sugget Zhipu AI has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

July 1 2026 - 10:18am

China is trying to catch up with America on artificial intelligence. The Wall Street Journal has reported that Zhipu AI — one of China’s six “AI tiger” LLMs — has released a new model that can rival leading US systems, including Anthropic’s Mythos, in cybersecurity tasks such as pinpointing security bugs. While this marks a milestone in China’s drive to catch up with Western AI capabilities, strong performance on a single benchmark does not mean it has taken the lead. Chinese models still lag behind their Western counterparts in broader capabilities, such as autonomous operation. Skepticism is therefore warranted before resorting to hysterical conclusions, but complacency about the geopolitical implications of China’s AI advances would be an even greater mistake.

On the infrastructure side, Chinese AI is still constrained by access to advanced chips, with American labs way ahead in computing capacity as well as investment. Analysis from earlier this year suggests that Chinese models are likely to be at least a few months behind those in the US. But they are still continuing to make progress, or that the geopolitical importance of AI will be decided only by whose LLM has ventured deeper into the technological frontier. The practical applications of AI, countries’ to capture foreign markets, and the application of AI into the real economy will matter just as much.

Here, China may hold an advantage. As with its dominance across many critical supply chains, Beijing may not need to produce the most advanced AI systems — only those that are affordable and widely deployable. In doing so, it could consolidate global influence by supplying functional, low-cost AI at scale.

Beijing seems to be pursuing exactly that path, developing an AI “open-source” strategy that offers affordable, widely available AI models for companies and individuals to use and modify as they wish. The production of the DeepSeek AI model, which matched the performance of Silicon Valley tools such as ChatGPT at a fraction of the cost for users, created goodwill among Chinese models with developers.

The four most popular models on OpenRouter, an AI hardware platform for developers, are now all Chinese. The goal for China is not only to win the frontier-model race, but to make its systems the default layer of AI adoption across industries and global markets. For most economies, the choice is increasingly between an affordable tool they can deploy now and a more robust one that may be out of reach.

And while the countries adopting Chinese models may be exposed to political pressure and cyber threats from Beijing, safer and more capable alternatives matter little if they are unaffordable. American AI companies are already under pressure to monetize products whose operating costs are rising. If Chinese open-source models become the cheap default for startups, universities, governments and businesses across the developing world, then America’s AI lead will be eroded from below.

Perhaps more concerning for America in the long run is how AI can give Chinese manufacturing even more strength, through the ongoing integration of AI as a general-purpose technology. China’s new Five-Year Plan mentioned AI more than 50 times and includes an “AI+” action plan aimed at spreading AI across the economy.

Beijing has been pioneering automation of its critical infrastructure for years, with promising recent results in increasing warplane production capacity. In that regard, China’s open-model strategy and manufacturing dominance will reinforce each other. Cheap, adaptable models accelerate deployment across the real economy while those deployments generate real-world data and use cases that can feed back into further model improvement.

The United States should not dismiss the importance of its lead in the AI race. That lead worries Beijing, not least because a more automated Chinese economy would also become more vulnerable to AI-generated cyber threats. But nor should Washington assume that China cannot catch up with American capabilities over time.

This AI competition represents part of a broader struggle over tech supply chains and geopolitical influence. Decisions over whether to adopt US or Chinese models could produce a more fragmented global reality, with different regions relying on different cloud providers, chips and security structures. The result will likely be a global economy which is divided into competing spheres, rather than one which produces a single winner.


Miquel Vila is a political and geopolitical risk consultant focusing on industrial strategy, critical infrastructure and global supply chains.

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