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Teen social media ban marks the end of digital anonymity

This morning, Keir Starmer announced that all under-16s would be banned from social media starting in spring 2027. Credit: Getty

This morning, Keir Starmer announced that all under-16s would be banned from social media starting in spring 2027. Credit: Getty

15 June 2026 - 11:00am

This morning, Keir Starmer announced new curbs on social media for children and teenagers, primarily including banning under-16s from various platforms by spring 2027. Speaking from Downing Street, the Prime Minister declared that a full, outright ban was the “right thing to do” as it was making children “unhappy”. In the Government statement was a list of social-media platforms banned, including Snapchat, TikTok, YouTube, Instagram and X, but not primarily messaging apps like WhatsApp and Signal. It was also suggested that the Government was considering further restrictions for under-18s down the road, including curfews and breaks from internet scrolling.

Will it work? Or will teenagers find ways around the restrictions either by using other websites or by finding workarounds for the age restrictions, as has been the case in Australia? Even if partially effective, the measures could have some funny downstream consequences, particularly if they cause a large influx of schoolboy trolls into Bluesky. The social media app and became a refuge for ultra-progressives following Elon Musk’s purchase of Twitter. It has since become notoriously dogmatic in its Left-wing outlook, and reportedly aggressive toward perceived ideological enemies. Bluesky reportedly won’t be included in the restrictions. It’s difficult to establish how much of younger Gen Z and Gen Alpha lean to the Right, but regardless of politics, a generation marinated in Italian Brainrot all lean anarchic, and a forum invasion by the massed trolling firepower of this cohort would likely have entertaining consequences.

Though the larger question is whether Starmer even cares how effective the Bill is at keeping children safe, or whether it’s just another step toward ending internet anonymity. This has long been a prize for those who view freedom of speech as an impediment to orderly governance. And, indeed, today’s measures carry more than a whiff of careful planning to this end.

The legislative foundation is already a fait accompli, thanks to changes passed into law in the Children’s Wellbeing and Schools Act, earlier this year. This Act created an open door for the Government to ban “harmful” online features in the name of children’s safety, without further legislation.

In response, most of the reporting on the ban “for teenagers” has focused on which sites might be restricted. Less attention has been paid to possible mechanisms for doing so, and it’s still unclear after the announcement. But unless you want kids to just lie about their age, enforcement would either have to be via parental authority — unlikely given Labour’s congenital nanny-statism — or some kind of digital gatekeeping. In the latter case, in order to work, the age — or, in other words, identity — verification process would have to encompass everyone, not just teenagers. In effect, then, this would tie social media usage to named individuals, using an official ID and/or face scan, functionally ending online anonymity.

What could possibly go wrong? Is this an acceptable price to pay for keeping children safe? Complaints about “two-tier” criminal justice and institutional political bias are already rampant. Evidence from the Online Safety Bill strongly suggests that these measures would swiftly be weaponised along similar lines. The swift turnaround between the Belfast unrest that followed the attempted beheading of Stephen Ogilvie and Liz Kendall’s announcement of further restrictions on digital communications during “times of crisis” should leave no doubt in anyone’s mind of the robust link that now exists in the Labour Party consciousness between unfettered digital conversation and public disorder. It feels less like Labour want to keep kids safe than to jam the lid down on a pressure-cooker of discontent they’re incapable of addressing in substance.

Having seemingly convinced themselves that Labour’s unpopularity is caused not by people’s “lived experience” but entirely by Elon Musk and the online “far-Right”, it’s not hard to see the appeal of being able to identify individuals blamed for “whipping up” discontent. Online “child safety” measures that would, as a byproduct, supply officials with faces and IDs for any individual online poster must be like catnip.

And whether the real precipitating factors in public discontent can be persuaded to go away, simply by restricting people’s freedom to speak openly about them, is another matter. And it’s just as possible that those driven off the public internet will simply become less visible, less traceable, and more dedicated.


Mary Harrington is a contributing editor at UnHerd.

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China is threatening America in the AI race

Reports sugget Zhipu AI  has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

Reports sugget Zhipu AI has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

1 July 2026 - 10:18am

China is trying to catch up with America on artificial intelligence. The Wall Street Journal has reported that Zhipu AI — one of China’s six “AI tiger” LLMs — has released a new model that can rival leading US systems, including Anthropic’s Mythos, in cybersecurity tasks such as pinpointing security bugs. While this marks a milestone in China’s drive to catch up with Western AI capabilities, strong performance on a single benchmark does not mean it has taken the lead. Chinese models still lag behind their Western counterparts in broader capabilities, such as autonomous operation. Skepticism is therefore warranted before resorting to hysterical conclusions, but complacency about the geopolitical implications of China’s AI advances would be an even greater mistake.

On the infrastructure side, Chinese AI is still constrained by access to advanced chips, with American labs way ahead in computing capacity as well as investment. Analysis from earlier this year suggests that Chinese models are likely to be at least a few months behind those in the US. But they are still continuing to make progress, or that the geopolitical importance of AI will be decided only by whose LLM has ventured deeper into the technological frontier. The practical applications of AI, countries’ to capture foreign markets, and the application of AI into the real economy will matter just as much.

Here, China may hold an advantage. As with its dominance across many critical supply chains, Beijing may not need to produce the most advanced AI systems — only those that are affordable and widely deployable. In doing so, it could consolidate global influence by supplying functional, low-cost AI at scale.

Beijing seems to be pursuing exactly that path, developing an AI “open-source” strategy that offers affordable, widely available AI models for companies and individuals to use and modify as they wish. The production of the DeepSeek AI model, which matched the performance of Silicon Valley tools such as ChatGPT at a fraction of the cost for users, created goodwill among Chinese models with developers.

The four most popular models on OpenRouter, an AI hardware platform for developers, are now all Chinese. The goal for China is not only to win the frontier-model race, but to make its systems the default layer of AI adoption across industries and global markets. For most economies, the choice is increasingly between an affordable tool they can deploy now and a more robust one that may be out of reach.

And while the countries adopting Chinese models may be exposed to political pressure and cyber threats from Beijing, safer and more capable alternatives matter little if they are unaffordable. American AI companies are already under pressure to monetize products whose operating costs are rising. If Chinese open-source models become the cheap default for startups, universities, governments and businesses across the developing world, then America’s AI lead will be eroded from below.

Perhaps more concerning for America in the long run is how AI can give Chinese manufacturing even more strength, through the ongoing integration of AI as a general-purpose technology. China’s new Five-Year Plan mentioned AI more than 50 times and includes an “AI+” action plan aimed at spreading AI across the economy.

Beijing has been pioneering automation of its critical infrastructure for years, with promising recent results in increasing warplane production capacity. In that regard, China’s open-model strategy and manufacturing dominance will reinforce each other. Cheap, adaptable models accelerate deployment across the real economy while those deployments generate real-world data and use cases that can feed back into further model improvement.

The United States should not dismiss the importance of its lead in the AI race. That lead worries Beijing, not least because a more automated Chinese economy would also become more vulnerable to AI-generated cyber threats. But nor should Washington assume that China cannot catch up with American capabilities over time.

This AI competition represents part of a broader struggle over tech supply chains and geopolitical influence. Decisions over whether to adopt US or Chinese models could produce a more fragmented global reality, with different regions relying on different cloud providers, chips and security structures. The result will likely be a global economy which is divided into competing spheres, rather than one which produces a single winner.


Miquel Vila is a political and geopolitical risk consultant focusing on industrial strategy, critical infrastructure and global supply chains.

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