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Swiss population cap failure won’t ease voter immigration concerns

Immigration consistently ranks among the issues Swiss voters consider most important. Credit: Getty

Immigration consistently ranks among the issues Swiss voters consider most important. Credit: Getty

14 June 2026 - 4:00pm

Today, Swiss voters rejected a proposal to cap the country’s population at 10 million. Switzerland is home to around nine million people today, and the initiative — launched by the Right-wing Swiss People’s Party (SVP) — sought to curb immigration in order to keep the population below that threshold. It was defeated, but only narrowly, with support projected at around 45%.

The result is striking. While the SVP is Switzerland’s largest party, it typically wins only around 30% of the vote. The initiative, therefore, appears to have attracted significant backing beyond the party’s own base, despite opposition from every other major political party. With anti-immigration sentiment rising in Switzerland and demonstrations becoming increasingly common, it is little surprise that the opposition secured widespread support.

What sets Switzerland’s political system apart from other countries is that citizens do not merely elect their representatives but can vote directly on policy questions. This means that Switzerland is often more reactive to popular opinion, allowing it to address issues that might otherwise be ignored by politicians. The country, for example, voted on an initiative to reduce the share of foreigners as early as 1970.

This might sound attractive in theory. But in practice, Swiss voters had already approved a similar initiative in 2014 against mass migration, which would have implemented strict immigration quotas in the country. However, there was a conflict between this proposal and Switzerland’s free movement agreement with the EU, which, ultimately, politicians were unwilling to violate. In the end, a softer version of the proposals of the referendum was signed into law, including employers in some regions giving preference when hiring for jobs to Swiss nationals, rather than migrants.

The fear of damaging Switzerland’s relationship with the EU was the central argument used by opponents of the initiative. And therein lies the problem. The proposal itself was too rigid and would likely have created a cumbersome immigration bureaucracy. But it was nevertheless an attempt to address genuine concerns. Immigration consistently ranks among the issues Swiss voters consider most important, and the level of support for the measure suggests those concerns extend well beyond the SVP’s traditional base. That the other parties did not see fit to put forward a pragmatic counter-proposal to the SVP initiative nearly backfired on them.

This exposes a wider failure of Europe’s political establishment. While Brussels has recently taken steps to tighten migration policy — including reforms aimed at speeding up returns — there remains little appetite for confronting the issue at its root. Swiss voters may have rejected the population cap, but the scale of support for it sends a clear warning. Politicians across Europe would be wise to heed that signal. If legitimate concerns continue to be dismissed, opposition will not disappear. It will simply find other outlets — whether at the ballot box, as in Switzerland, or increasingly on the streets.


Lukas Leuzinger is a journalist and editor-in-chief of the magazine Schweizer Monat.

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China is threatening America in the AI race

Reports sugget Zhipu AI  has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

Reports sugget Zhipu AI has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

1 July 2026 - 10:18am

China is trying to catch up with America on artificial intelligence. The Wall Street Journal has reported that Zhipu AI — one of China’s six “AI tiger” LLMs — has released a new model that can rival leading US systems, including Anthropic’s Mythos, in cybersecurity tasks such as pinpointing security bugs. While this marks a milestone in China’s drive to catch up with Western AI capabilities, strong performance on a single benchmark does not mean it has taken the lead. Chinese models still lag behind their Western counterparts in broader capabilities, such as autonomous operation. Skepticism is therefore warranted before resorting to hysterical conclusions, but complacency about the geopolitical implications of China’s AI advances would be an even greater mistake.

On the infrastructure side, Chinese AI is still constrained by access to advanced chips, with American labs way ahead in computing capacity as well as investment. Analysis from earlier this year suggests that Chinese models are likely to be at least a few months behind those in the US. But they are still continuing to make progress, or that the geopolitical importance of AI will be decided only by whose LLM has ventured deeper into the technological frontier. The practical applications of AI, countries’ to capture foreign markets, and the application of AI into the real economy will matter just as much.

Here, China may hold an advantage. As with its dominance across many critical supply chains, Beijing may not need to produce the most advanced AI systems — only those that are affordable and widely deployable. In doing so, it could consolidate global influence by supplying functional, low-cost AI at scale.

Beijing seems to be pursuing exactly that path, developing an AI “open-source” strategy that offers affordable, widely available AI models for companies and individuals to use and modify as they wish. The production of the DeepSeek AI model, which matched the performance of Silicon Valley tools such as ChatGPT at a fraction of the cost for users, created goodwill among Chinese models with developers.

The four most popular models on OpenRouter, an AI hardware platform for developers, are now all Chinese. The goal for China is not only to win the frontier-model race, but to make its systems the default layer of AI adoption across industries and global markets. For most economies, the choice is increasingly between an affordable tool they can deploy now and a more robust one that may be out of reach.

And while the countries adopting Chinese models may be exposed to political pressure and cyber threats from Beijing, safer and more capable alternatives matter little if they are unaffordable. American AI companies are already under pressure to monetize products whose operating costs are rising. If Chinese open-source models become the cheap default for startups, universities, governments and businesses across the developing world, then America’s AI lead will be eroded from below.

Perhaps more concerning for America in the long run is how AI can give Chinese manufacturing even more strength, through the ongoing integration of AI as a general-purpose technology. China’s new Five-Year Plan mentioned AI more than 50 times and includes an “AI+” action plan aimed at spreading AI across the economy.

Beijing has been pioneering automation of its critical infrastructure for years, with promising recent results in increasing warplane production capacity. In that regard, China’s open-model strategy and manufacturing dominance will reinforce each other. Cheap, adaptable models accelerate deployment across the real economy while those deployments generate real-world data and use cases that can feed back into further model improvement.

The United States should not dismiss the importance of its lead in the AI race. That lead worries Beijing, not least because a more automated Chinese economy would also become more vulnerable to AI-generated cyber threats. But nor should Washington assume that China cannot catch up with American capabilities over time.

This AI competition represents part of a broader struggle over tech supply chains and geopolitical influence. Decisions over whether to adopt US or Chinese models could produce a more fragmented global reality, with different regions relying on different cloud providers, chips and security structures. The result will likely be a global economy which is divided into competing spheres, rather than one which produces a single winner.


Miquel Vila is a political and geopolitical risk consultant focusing on industrial strategy, critical infrastructure and global supply chains.

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