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Sara Sharif case reveals courts’ misogyny blind spot

Urfan Sharif was granted custody of Sara Sharif despite previous accusations of domestic abuse. Credit: Surrey Police

Urfan Sharif was granted custody of Sara Sharif despite previous accusations of domestic abuse. Credit: Surrey Police

1 February 2025 - 8:00am

Mothers have long argued that judges in custody proceedings don’t place enough weight on allegations of domestic abuse. The BBC reported 18 months ago that dozens of children had been forced by the courts into contact with fathers accused of hurting them.

That is the context of yesterday’s publication of the names of three judges involved in care proceedings relating to Sara Sharif, the 10-year-old girl tortured and murdered by her father and stepmother. Urfan Sharif and Beinash Batool are now serving life sentences for killing Sara in August 2023, yet they had somehow persuaded Alison Raeside, the judge most involved in the lengthy care proceedings, that they posed no danger to the child.

A 2016 Women’s Aid report listed 19 children who had been killed by a father who was also a perpetrator of domestic abuse. Women’s organisations have repeatedly called for child protection to be placed first and foremost in custody disputes, warning that abusive fathers will make counter-claims to discredit mothers with entirely justified concerns.

Sara was placed in the care of her father in October 2019, even though a report prepared for the court listed Sharif’s four arrests for suspected violence against three Polish women, including Sara’s mother. He was accused of holding them against their will and threatening them with a knife. Previous reports documented unexplained bruises, bites and burns on Sara’s siblings.

The details of the case are horrifyingly familiar. Like many abusers of women and children, Sharif claimed to have “anger issues” but said he’d addressed them. Perpetrators frequently use this excuse, knowing it’s exactly what social workers and judges want to hear, and it’s highly likely that they’ll be taken at their word without evidence. Sara’s mother was accused of assault and accepted a caution after a bite mark was found on the arm of one of the children, but there must now be questions asked about whether Sharif was using his ex-partner to hide his own violence.

Last week, when one of the country’s most senior judges, Sir Geoffrey Vos, overturned an earlier ban on naming Raeside, he observed that the judges involved in the Sharif custody proceedings had “the difficult task of assessing the risk of future harm which could only be done against the background of the evidence before them”.

Precisely. And that’s why mothers and campaigners believe that judges in civil proceedings are far too likely to overlook or minimise reports of even the most severe abuse. Men commit the vast majority of violence towards women and children, with official figures showing that women are “disproportionately represented” among survivors of domestic abuse, making up 72.5% of victims.

Almost a decade ago, Women’s Aid lamented that even the existence of severe abuse had not prevented a “relentless push to maintain as close a bond between father and child as possible”. The organisation also suggested that the continuing impact of abuse, including the effect of coercive control after a relationship has ended, was poorly understood by the civil courts.

In 2020, a Ministry of Justice report uncovered “an alarming series of barriers to the Family Court’s ability to protect victims of abuse from future harm”. In 2023, a survey of legal practitioners found that more than 80% of respondents felt that the Family Courts were “likely to re-traumatise victims and survivors of domestic abuse”.

The same could be said today. On any rational analysis, it’s hard to see how a man accused of assaulting three different women could be considered a suitable guardian for a defenceless little girl. Time after time, the civil courts have given violent men the benefit of the doubt. How many children have to die before it stops?


Joan Smith is a novelist and columnist. She was previously Chair of the Mayor of London’s Violence Against Women and Girls Board, and is on the advisory group for Sex Matters. Her book Unfortunately, She Was A Nymphomaniac: A New History of Rome’s Imperial Women was published in November 2024.

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China is threatening America in the AI race

Reports sugget Zhipu AI  has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

Reports sugget Zhipu AI has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

1 July 2026 - 10:18am

China is trying to catch up with America on artificial intelligence. The Wall Street Journal has reported that Zhipu AI — one of China’s six “AI tiger” LLMs — has released a new model that can rival leading US systems, including Anthropic’s Mythos, in cybersecurity tasks such as pinpointing security bugs. While this marks a milestone in China’s drive to catch up with Western AI capabilities, strong performance on a single benchmark does not mean it has taken the lead. Chinese models still lag behind their Western counterparts in broader capabilities, such as autonomous operation. Skepticism is therefore warranted before resorting to hysterical conclusions, but complacency about the geopolitical implications of China’s AI advances would be an even greater mistake.

On the infrastructure side, Chinese AI is still constrained by access to advanced chips, with American labs way ahead in computing capacity as well as investment. Analysis from earlier this year suggests that Chinese models are likely to be at least a few months behind those in the US. But they are still continuing to make progress, or that the geopolitical importance of AI will be decided only by whose LLM has ventured deeper into the technological frontier. The practical applications of AI, countries’ to capture foreign markets, and the application of AI into the real economy will matter just as much.

Here, China may hold an advantage. As with its dominance across many critical supply chains, Beijing may not need to produce the most advanced AI systems — only those that are affordable and widely deployable. In doing so, it could consolidate global influence by supplying functional, low-cost AI at scale.

Beijing seems to be pursuing exactly that path, developing an AI “open-source” strategy that offers affordable, widely available AI models for companies and individuals to use and modify as they wish. The production of the DeepSeek AI model, which matched the performance of Silicon Valley tools such as ChatGPT at a fraction of the cost for users, created goodwill among Chinese models with developers.

The four most popular models on OpenRouter, an AI hardware platform for developers, are now all Chinese. The goal for China is not only to win the frontier-model race, but to make its systems the default layer of AI adoption across industries and global markets. For most economies, the choice is increasingly between an affordable tool they can deploy now and a more robust one that may be out of reach.

And while the countries adopting Chinese models may be exposed to political pressure and cyber threats from Beijing, safer and more capable alternatives matter little if they are unaffordable. American AI companies are already under pressure to monetize products whose operating costs are rising. If Chinese open-source models become the cheap default for startups, universities, governments and businesses across the developing world, then America’s AI lead will be eroded from below.

Perhaps more concerning for America in the long run is how AI can give Chinese manufacturing even more strength, through the ongoing integration of AI as a general-purpose technology. China’s new Five-Year Plan mentioned AI more than 50 times and includes an “AI+” action plan aimed at spreading AI across the economy.

Beijing has been pioneering automation of its critical infrastructure for years, with promising recent results in increasing warplane production capacity. In that regard, China’s open-model strategy and manufacturing dominance will reinforce each other. Cheap, adaptable models accelerate deployment across the real economy while those deployments generate real-world data and use cases that can feed back into further model improvement.

The United States should not dismiss the importance of its lead in the AI race. That lead worries Beijing, not least because a more automated Chinese economy would also become more vulnerable to AI-generated cyber threats. But nor should Washington assume that China cannot catch up with American capabilities over time.

This AI competition represents part of a broader struggle over tech supply chains and geopolitical influence. Decisions over whether to adopt US or Chinese models could produce a more fragmented global reality, with different regions relying on different cloud providers, chips and security structures. The result will likely be a global economy which is divided into competing spheres, rather than one which produces a single winner.


Miquel Vila is a political and geopolitical risk consultant focusing on industrial strategy, critical infrastructure and global supply chains.

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