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Prince William cannot stay out of politics forever

William must eventually commit himself to a side. Credit: Getty

William must eventually commit himself to a side. Credit: Getty

6 September 2025 - 1:00pm

It’s easy to forget now that the Scottish independence referendum of September 2014 was a deeply divisive issue. In terms of political folk memory, it has been overshadowed by everything else that has happened since then: four general elections, the rise and fall of Corbyn, the Brexit saga, the woke wars, and the still-reverberating earthquake of Covid. But there was real anger and bitterness in those debates about the future of Scotland.

It was interesting, therefore, to read reports that the Prince of Wales supposedly urged his grandmother, the late Queen, to support the Union as strongly as she could within the bounds of her constitutional position. William has largely avoided letting his opinions be known on any matters of current controversy. In this respect, he is quite unlike his father, whose eclectic views on architecture, alternative medicine, environmentalism and religious philosophy are well known.

If you had to guess, based on the causes he has associated himself with — and those he has not — it would be easy to suspect that William has the conventional worldview of his millennial upper-middle-class and aristocratic milieu: vaguely conservative about, say, the countryside and the armed forces, but socially liberal, religiously apathetic, and basically happy with multiculturalism and post-Sixties bromides about personal fulfilment.

However, William’s lack of coherent interest in serious political or cultural matters may be put to the test in the coming years. He is not King yet, of course, but is said to be closely involved with the running of The Firm, and will accede in his own right in the not-too-distant future. Between now and mid-century, Britain is going to experience enormous upheavals. National identity will become the central issue of British politics. Perhaps Reform UK will win the next election and start to dismantle the Blairite settlement, especially around immigration and human rights. Maybe it will fail to do so, and another insurgent Right-wing party will arise. Plausibly the post-1997 establishment rallies one way or another, and the enormous demographic change of the last 25 years continues unabated, with white Britons becoming a “majority minority” by 2060, as currently projected.

Either way the monarchy will not be able to avoid taking a side, even if only implicitly through silence, subtle gestures, and convenient leaks. At the moment, the royals often seem to be quietly backing the status quo —  consider the pusillanimous attitude taken by the Palace in the confected racism row involving the Ngozi Fulani affair, the King’s reported opposition to the Rwanda scheme, or his commissioning portraits of the “Windrush generation”. The late Queen, usually regarded as a stickler for constitutional proprieties, several times included praise for “diversity” in her public statements.

It’s arguable that this is entirely proper, with the monarchy fulfilling its role as a focus for national unity, mutual respect, and reconciliation between different communities. But it’s equally true that in doing so, even under pressure from the government of the day, they are in some sense repudiating the views of a growing number of people who are unhappy with the changes to Britain over the last three decades, and who oppose the retooling of national history in the service of permanent high immigration. These tensions and conflicts are not going away any time soon, and William must eventually — by act or by omission — commit himself to one side or the other.


Niall Gooch is a public sector worker and occasional writer who lives in Kent.

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China is threatening America in the AI race

Reports sugget Zhipu AI  has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

Reports sugget Zhipu AI has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

1 July 2026 - 10:18am

China is trying to catch up with America on artificial intelligence. The Wall Street Journal has reported that Zhipu AI — one of China’s six “AI tiger” LLMs — has released a new model that can rival leading US systems, including Anthropic’s Mythos, in cybersecurity tasks such as pinpointing security bugs. While this marks a milestone in China’s drive to catch up with Western AI capabilities, strong performance on a single benchmark does not mean it has taken the lead. Chinese models still lag behind their Western counterparts in broader capabilities, such as autonomous operation. Skepticism is therefore warranted before resorting to hysterical conclusions, but complacency about the geopolitical implications of China’s AI advances would be an even greater mistake.

On the infrastructure side, Chinese AI is still constrained by access to advanced chips, with American labs way ahead in computing capacity as well as investment. Analysis from earlier this year suggests that Chinese models are likely to be at least a few months behind those in the US. But they are still continuing to make progress, or that the geopolitical importance of AI will be decided only by whose LLM has ventured deeper into the technological frontier. The practical applications of AI, countries’ to capture foreign markets, and the application of AI into the real economy will matter just as much.

Here, China may hold an advantage. As with its dominance across many critical supply chains, Beijing may not need to produce the most advanced AI systems — only those that are affordable and widely deployable. In doing so, it could consolidate global influence by supplying functional, low-cost AI at scale.

Beijing seems to be pursuing exactly that path, developing an AI “open-source” strategy that offers affordable, widely available AI models for companies and individuals to use and modify as they wish. The production of the DeepSeek AI model, which matched the performance of Silicon Valley tools such as ChatGPT at a fraction of the cost for users, created goodwill among Chinese models with developers.

The four most popular models on OpenRouter, an AI hardware platform for developers, are now all Chinese. The goal for China is not only to win the frontier-model race, but to make its systems the default layer of AI adoption across industries and global markets. For most economies, the choice is increasingly between an affordable tool they can deploy now and a more robust one that may be out of reach.

And while the countries adopting Chinese models may be exposed to political pressure and cyber threats from Beijing, safer and more capable alternatives matter little if they are unaffordable. American AI companies are already under pressure to monetize products whose operating costs are rising. If Chinese open-source models become the cheap default for startups, universities, governments and businesses across the developing world, then America’s AI lead will be eroded from below.

Perhaps more concerning for America in the long run is how AI can give Chinese manufacturing even more strength, through the ongoing integration of AI as a general-purpose technology. China’s new Five-Year Plan mentioned AI more than 50 times and includes an “AI+” action plan aimed at spreading AI across the economy.

Beijing has been pioneering automation of its critical infrastructure for years, with promising recent results in increasing warplane production capacity. In that regard, China’s open-model strategy and manufacturing dominance will reinforce each other. Cheap, adaptable models accelerate deployment across the real economy while those deployments generate real-world data and use cases that can feed back into further model improvement.

The United States should not dismiss the importance of its lead in the AI race. That lead worries Beijing, not least because a more automated Chinese economy would also become more vulnerable to AI-generated cyber threats. But nor should Washington assume that China cannot catch up with American capabilities over time.

This AI competition represents part of a broader struggle over tech supply chains and geopolitical influence. Decisions over whether to adopt US or Chinese models could produce a more fragmented global reality, with different regions relying on different cloud providers, chips and security structures. The result will likely be a global economy which is divided into competing spheres, rather than one which produces a single winner.


Miquel Vila is a political and geopolitical risk consultant focusing on industrial strategy, critical infrastructure and global supply chains.

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