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Peter Mandelson is no reason to end political appointments

The Prince of Darkness exits the stage — for now. Credit: Getty

The Prince of Darkness exits the stage — for now. Credit: Getty

12 September 2025 - 7:00am

Keir Starmer’s “Phase Two”, launched less than a fortnight ago, is off to a rather shaky start. Hot on the heels of the departure of Angela Rayner comes the dismissal of Peter Mandelson as British ambassador to the United States. This is the third time the Prince of Darkness has had to leave a senior post; older readers will recall that he ran into trouble twice in Tony Blair’s first term, before being shuffled off to Brussels for a stint as an EU Commissioner.

Inevitably, questions are being asked about his replacement. Given that Mandelson was a political appointee rather than a career diplomat, there will presumably be pressure within the Government, and the Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office, to return to normal and appoint someone from within the Civil Service: a safe pair of hands, who knows the ropes and has spent the last 30 years beavering quietly away in British missions around the world rather than accumulating cupboards full of skeletons. FCDO insiders have been the norm at the British Embassy in Washington for several decades now — before Mandelson, the last non-career diplomat to hold the post was Peter Jay in the late Seventies.

There is a strong argument for relying on Civil Service lifers for such positions. They will have the skills, experience and instincts to sustain and develop the transatlantic alliance. They will have contacts with other countries’ diplomats, and a strong understanding of how to get things done. The late Sir Christopher Meyer’s enlightening and often funny book DC Confidential, based on his six years in post during the Clinton and Bush eras, illuminates this well.

However, there is also much to be said in favour of political appointees in certain positions. These are, after all, individuals who are directly accountable to democratically elected leaders for carrying out particular policies, rather than being immersed in the culture of the modern Civil Service and therefore subject to internal incentives and expectations.

In this context, it is important to reflect on a remark made by the former head of the Civil Service, Gus O’Donnell, in 2011. He stated that during his time at the Treasury from 2002-5 he had pushed for liberal immigration laws because he thought it was his job “to maximise global welfare not national welfare”. Given the political culture in the universities from which civil servants tend to be recruited, and the inexorable rise of institutionally Left-wing forms of HR training, that mindset is almost certainly more entrenched at the highest levels of the Civil Service — including the FCDO — than it was 20 years ago.

It seems unlikely that there are many political conservatives among the ranks of those eligible to be promoted to represent HMG in the US capital. No one is suggesting that we should send over an out-and-out MAGA hat-wearing populist; but someone who is at least open to the Trump project, and can talk sympathetically with key members of the administration, would be an asset. Fundamentally, governments should have the latitude to install ambassadors who can support their foreign policy priorities, and if that means looking outside King Charles Street, so be it.

This doesn’t just apply to the USA, naturally. There are numerous countries where we might need a representative who is not bound by the conventional prejudices of the Blob about how the British national interest is an outdated and immoral concept. It is no use supporters of the status quo appealing to cliches about the careful and pragmatic neutrality of the man or woman in Whitehall. The relentless politicisation of the last quarter-century has rendered such complaints moot.


Niall Gooch is a public sector worker and occasional writer who lives in Kent.

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China is threatening America in the AI race

Reports sugget Zhipu AI  has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

Reports sugget Zhipu AI has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

1 July 2026 - 10:18am

China is trying to catch up with America on artificial intelligence. The Wall Street Journal has reported that Zhipu AI — one of China’s six “AI tiger” LLMs — has released a new model that can rival leading US systems, including Anthropic’s Mythos, in cybersecurity tasks such as pinpointing security bugs. While this marks a milestone in China’s drive to catch up with Western AI capabilities, strong performance on a single benchmark does not mean it has taken the lead. Chinese models still lag behind their Western counterparts in broader capabilities, such as autonomous operation. Skepticism is therefore warranted before resorting to hysterical conclusions, but complacency about the geopolitical implications of China’s AI advances would be an even greater mistake.

On the infrastructure side, Chinese AI is still constrained by access to advanced chips, with American labs way ahead in computing capacity as well as investment. Analysis from earlier this year suggests that Chinese models are likely to be at least a few months behind those in the US. But they are still continuing to make progress, or that the geopolitical importance of AI will be decided only by whose LLM has ventured deeper into the technological frontier. The practical applications of AI, countries’ to capture foreign markets, and the application of AI into the real economy will matter just as much.

Here, China may hold an advantage. As with its dominance across many critical supply chains, Beijing may not need to produce the most advanced AI systems — only those that are affordable and widely deployable. In doing so, it could consolidate global influence by supplying functional, low-cost AI at scale.

Beijing seems to be pursuing exactly that path, developing an AI “open-source” strategy that offers affordable, widely available AI models for companies and individuals to use and modify as they wish. The production of the DeepSeek AI model, which matched the performance of Silicon Valley tools such as ChatGPT at a fraction of the cost for users, created goodwill among Chinese models with developers.

The four most popular models on OpenRouter, an AI hardware platform for developers, are now all Chinese. The goal for China is not only to win the frontier-model race, but to make its systems the default layer of AI adoption across industries and global markets. For most economies, the choice is increasingly between an affordable tool they can deploy now and a more robust one that may be out of reach.

And while the countries adopting Chinese models may be exposed to political pressure and cyber threats from Beijing, safer and more capable alternatives matter little if they are unaffordable. American AI companies are already under pressure to monetize products whose operating costs are rising. If Chinese open-source models become the cheap default for startups, universities, governments and businesses across the developing world, then America’s AI lead will be eroded from below.

Perhaps more concerning for America in the long run is how AI can give Chinese manufacturing even more strength, through the ongoing integration of AI as a general-purpose technology. China’s new Five-Year Plan mentioned AI more than 50 times and includes an “AI+” action plan aimed at spreading AI across the economy.

Beijing has been pioneering automation of its critical infrastructure for years, with promising recent results in increasing warplane production capacity. In that regard, China’s open-model strategy and manufacturing dominance will reinforce each other. Cheap, adaptable models accelerate deployment across the real economy while those deployments generate real-world data and use cases that can feed back into further model improvement.

The United States should not dismiss the importance of its lead in the AI race. That lead worries Beijing, not least because a more automated Chinese economy would also become more vulnerable to AI-generated cyber threats. But nor should Washington assume that China cannot catch up with American capabilities over time.

This AI competition represents part of a broader struggle over tech supply chains and geopolitical influence. Decisions over whether to adopt US or Chinese models could produce a more fragmented global reality, with different regions relying on different cloud providers, chips and security structures. The result will likely be a global economy which is divided into competing spheres, rather than one which produces a single winner.


Miquel Vila is a political and geopolitical risk consultant focusing on industrial strategy, critical infrastructure and global supply chains.

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