X Close

New Corbyn party already faces identity crisis

Corbynism, take two. Credit: Getty

Corbynism, take two. Credit: Getty

30 July 2025 - 5:15pm

As his opponents predicted with glee, Jeremy Corbyn’s new vehicle is already beset by disputes over what exactly a party of the Left should do. While over 600,000 people have signed up to “Your Party” (which effectively constitutes a free mailing list for now, rather than a party membership), there has already been disagreement about everything from the name of the project to the parts of Britain it should target to spread its message. The new party’s founding statement calls for “a mass redistribution of wealth and power”, “an NHS free of privatisation”, and a “massive council-house building programme”, as well as criticising “the government’s shameful complicity in genocide” in Gaza. Yet other policy questions remain unanswered.

One key area of contention came into focus on Monday night, when independent MP Adnan Hussain, a co-founder of the Independent Alliance alongside Corbyn, asked online: “Is there space on the left to create a broad enough church to allow Muslims an authentic space, just as it does all other minority groups?” The Blackburn MP, who is Muslim, highlighted the socially conservative views of those who follow the religion, adding that “the left needs to address this huge elephant in the room.” This is especially pertinent given the chance of pact between the new party and the socially liberal Greens, which has been welcomed by Green leadership candidate Zack Polanski.

At last year’s general election, Labour lost over 300,000 votes in areas with significant Muslim populations, while four new independent MPs, including Hussain, were elected on platforms explicitly attacking Keir Starmer’s position on the war in Gaza. These four sit alongside Corbyn and former Labour MP Zarah Sultana in the Independent Alliance, and hold views that are at odds with the project’s more socially liberal bent. For instance, Hussain has defended gender-critical feminists, while fellow independent MP Ayoub Khan has suggested that his Muslim faith prevents him from supporting same-sex marriage.

As well as some agreement on welfare reform, Gaza has thus become the single unifying issue for Corbyn’s party. Yesterday, shortly before the Prime Minister pledged to recognise Palestinian statehood in September, Sultana claimed that “Labour is the genocide party”; the same day, Corbyn referred to the Government’s Middle East policy as “shameful”. Yet even those committed to the pro-Palestinian cause and loyal to Corbyn himself have been treated with suspicion.

James Schneider, who co-founded the grassroots organisation Momentum and then served as Labour’s director of strategic communications under Corbyn, coordinated the former leader of the Opposition’s re-election campaign in Islington North last year. He has been closely involved in the establishment of the new party, and last week gave an interview to New Left Review in which he laid out his ambitions for a socialist mass movement. Yet some Corbyn supporters, such as activist and writer Philip Proudfoot and journalist Ally Fogg, have highlighted the fact that Schneider is married to Sophie Nazemi, who serves as Starmer’s Press Secretary. Proudfoot referred to a “conflict of interest” if “you’re founding a new political party and your wife is the comms officer for that party’s main competitor”. A source close to the Corbyn-Sultana project told me on Wednesday: “James is committed, and always has been. Who he’s married to doesn’t change that, and we need to avoid internet gossip that gets in the way of building a strong-based Left-wing alternative.”

When I spoke to him in early June, several weeks before the launch of the new party and before his involvement was publicly known, Schneider told me that a new progressive force would have to counter “Reform [UK] and Labour with clear Left-populist politics” and avoid “getting sucked into obsessing about Westminster or following the rules of the political-media class”. In his New Left Review interview, he said that “our party needs to be a vehicle for establishing unity, a catalyst for popular organising and a lever for popular mobilisation towards a social alternative,” and expressed openness to a formal alliance with the Greens.

Opportunities for collaboration in Corbynworld, however, are always liable to be scuppered by supporters’ preoccupation with total ideological conformity. Creating a big tent on the anti-Labour Left will inevitably factor in a range of social views and while the project’s founding statement does not make reference to issues such as trans rights or abortion, questions remain over how social conservatives such as Hussain will work within a framework partly dictated by Sultana’s more typically millennial progressivism. The new Left-wing party is poised to shave several percentage points off Labour’s vote, and its total would be bolstered further by a prospective pact with the Greens under Polanski. But the bigger obstacle may come from deciding just how broad the tent should be.


Rob Lownie is UnHerd’s Deputy Editor, Newsroom.

RobLownie

China is threatening America in the AI race

Reports sugget Zhipu AI  has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

Reports sugget Zhipu AI has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

1 July 2026 - 10:18am

China is trying to catch up with America on artificial intelligence. The Wall Street Journal has reported that Zhipu AI — one of China’s six “AI tiger” LLMs — has released a new model that can rival leading US systems, including Anthropic’s Mythos, in cybersecurity tasks such as pinpointing security bugs. While this marks a milestone in China’s drive to catch up with Western AI capabilities, strong performance on a single benchmark does not mean it has taken the lead. Chinese models still lag behind their Western counterparts in broader capabilities, such as autonomous operation. Skepticism is therefore warranted before resorting to hysterical conclusions, but complacency about the geopolitical implications of China’s AI advances would be an even greater mistake.

On the infrastructure side, Chinese AI is still constrained by access to advanced chips, with American labs way ahead in computing capacity as well as investment. Analysis from earlier this year suggests that Chinese models are likely to be at least a few months behind those in the US. But they are still continuing to make progress, or that the geopolitical importance of AI will be decided only by whose LLM has ventured deeper into the technological frontier. The practical applications of AI, countries’ to capture foreign markets, and the application of AI into the real economy will matter just as much.

Here, China may hold an advantage. As with its dominance across many critical supply chains, Beijing may not need to produce the most advanced AI systems — only those that are affordable and widely deployable. In doing so, it could consolidate global influence by supplying functional, low-cost AI at scale.

Beijing seems to be pursuing exactly that path, developing an AI “open-source” strategy that offers affordable, widely available AI models for companies and individuals to use and modify as they wish. The production of the DeepSeek AI model, which matched the performance of Silicon Valley tools such as ChatGPT at a fraction of the cost for users, created goodwill among Chinese models with developers.

The four most popular models on OpenRouter, an AI hardware platform for developers, are now all Chinese. The goal for China is not only to win the frontier-model race, but to make its systems the default layer of AI adoption across industries and global markets. For most economies, the choice is increasingly between an affordable tool they can deploy now and a more robust one that may be out of reach.

And while the countries adopting Chinese models may be exposed to political pressure and cyber threats from Beijing, safer and more capable alternatives matter little if they are unaffordable. American AI companies are already under pressure to monetize products whose operating costs are rising. If Chinese open-source models become the cheap default for startups, universities, governments and businesses across the developing world, then America’s AI lead will be eroded from below.

Perhaps more concerning for America in the long run is how AI can give Chinese manufacturing even more strength, through the ongoing integration of AI as a general-purpose technology. China’s new Five-Year Plan mentioned AI more than 50 times and includes an “AI+” action plan aimed at spreading AI across the economy.

Beijing has been pioneering automation of its critical infrastructure for years, with promising recent results in increasing warplane production capacity. In that regard, China’s open-model strategy and manufacturing dominance will reinforce each other. Cheap, adaptable models accelerate deployment across the real economy while those deployments generate real-world data and use cases that can feed back into further model improvement.

The United States should not dismiss the importance of its lead in the AI race. That lead worries Beijing, not least because a more automated Chinese economy would also become more vulnerable to AI-generated cyber threats. But nor should Washington assume that China cannot catch up with American capabilities over time.

This AI competition represents part of a broader struggle over tech supply chains and geopolitical influence. Decisions over whether to adopt US or Chinese models could produce a more fragmented global reality, with different regions relying on different cloud providers, chips and security structures. The result will likely be a global economy which is divided into competing spheres, rather than one which produces a single winner.


Miquel Vila is a political and geopolitical risk consultant focusing on industrial strategy, critical infrastructure and global supply chains.

miquelvilam