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London grooming gangs probe could shame the Met

Sadiq Khan has previously dismissed claims of widespread grooming gangs activity in the capital. Credit: Getty

Sadiq Khan has previously dismissed claims of widespread grooming gangs activity in the capital. Credit: Getty

29 June 2026 - 1:00pm

The national grooming gangs inquiry, established after Louise Casey’s report last year into the scandal, has chosen an intriguing place to begin its work: London.

Oldham is also in the initial tranche of locations, unsurprisingly given that the North West of England is seen as the “ground zero” of grooming gangs featuring men from predominantly Pakistani backgrounds. London Mayor Sadiq Khan has welcomed the inquiry, despite previously shrugging off accusations of such gangs operating in the capital. He argued that London’s problems with sex offenders, due to its demographics compared to the rest of the UK, are more nuanced. Nonetheless, the Met was ordered to reassess cases dating back to 2010, subsequently discovering 4,000 grooming offences. For the Mayor and the Metropolitan Police, reinvestigating these cases will prove uncomfortable. Which skeletons, this time, are likely to fall out of New Scotland Yard’s well-stocked closet?

First, though, it should be acknowledged that Khan has a point concerning his fiefdom’s demographics. Offences featuring a single cultural group, as occurred in places such as Bradford and Oldham, are unlikely to be replicated in London. The capital’s racial diversity is such that a wide spectrum of offending patterns will be revealed. Some of these are likely to make uncomfortable reading for politicians and criminal-justice elites. In 2024, for example, up to 47% of sexual offences charged in the capital were committed by Foreign National Offenders (FNOs). This is doubly concerning when London’s population of foreign nationals is over 23%.

During my service in the Met, I saw intelligence concerning trafficking and grooming offences involving any number of ethnic and national groups, including Moroccans, Slovakians, Poles, Indians and, of course, “indigenous” white Britons. After all, no single culture has a monopoly on sexual offending. Nonetheless, a cynic might wonder if this is a reason why London was chosen in the inquiry’s opening tranche — to dilute the sensitive Mirpuri-Pakistani aspect of the grooming scandal. Conversely, Khan might point to the lack of comparisons to Oldham, but what creepy crawlies will the review discover as it begins turning over London stones?

The second issue concerns the Metropolitan Police, as the force’s failures in investigating sexual offences are long-established. Back in the early 2000s, faced with concerns around the efficacy of rape investigations, the Met created Operation Sapphire. A specialist unit, Sapphire, worked in tandem with the force’s Child Abuse Investigation Teams to investigate allegations of rape and serious sexual abuse. In 2018, following another round of swingeing cuts, the Met closed Sapphire as part of a disastrous force restructuring programme, returning rape investigation to already hard-pressed local CID units.

The force’s lack of competence around investigating sexual offences was soon under question, with fresh concerns around training, supervision and professional conduct. Workloads were scandalously high, and the CID was increasingly seen as a punishment posting. Officers also cite the recruitment of “direct-entry” detectives as an issue. These officers were often young graduates with no uniform experience. Thrown into the deep end, many promptly sank.

As is often the case with British policing, scandals prompt reviews. These, in turn, involve exercises reinventing the wheel. In 2021 one such development was Operation Soteria, a new initiative to “transform the investigation of rape”. Bringing with it a new series of acronyms such as RASSO (Rape and Serious Sexual Offences) and VAWG (Violence Against Women and Girls), Soteria features panels, consultative groups, and accredited professional practices designed to improve police conviction rates. There have been modest successes, but is Soteria another example of corporate sticking plasters proving more politically and economically palatable than investing in mainstream police capability?

These are the issues investigators will discover as they delve into old case files in the capital. There are few secrets as to the identities or modus operandi of offenders, nor are there many around police weaknesses. What might be discovered, though, is the extent of corporate indifference to everyday policing and its impact on children suffering sexual abuse — London’s most vulnerable victims.


Dominic Adler is a writer and former detective in the Metropolitan Police. He worked in counterterrorism, anticorruption and criminal intelligence, and now discusses policing on his Substack.

China is threatening America in the AI race

Reports sugget Zhipu AI  has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

Reports sugget Zhipu AI has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

1 July 2026 - 10:18am

China is trying to catch up with America on artificial intelligence. The Wall Street Journal has reported that Zhipu AI — one of China’s six “AI tiger” LLMs — has released a new model that can rival leading US systems, including Anthropic’s Mythos, in cybersecurity tasks such as pinpointing security bugs. While this marks a milestone in China’s drive to catch up with Western AI capabilities, strong performance on a single benchmark does not mean it has taken the lead. Chinese models still lag behind their Western counterparts in broader capabilities, such as autonomous operation. Skepticism is therefore warranted before resorting to hysterical conclusions, but complacency about the geopolitical implications of China’s AI advances would be an even greater mistake.

On the infrastructure side, Chinese AI is still constrained by access to advanced chips, with American labs way ahead in computing capacity as well as investment. Analysis from earlier this year suggests that Chinese models are likely to be at least a few months behind those in the US. But they are still continuing to make progress, or that the geopolitical importance of AI will be decided only by whose LLM has ventured deeper into the technological frontier. The practical applications of AI, countries’ to capture foreign markets, and the application of AI into the real economy will matter just as much.

Here, China may hold an advantage. As with its dominance across many critical supply chains, Beijing may not need to produce the most advanced AI systems — only those that are affordable and widely deployable. In doing so, it could consolidate global influence by supplying functional, low-cost AI at scale.

Beijing seems to be pursuing exactly that path, developing an AI “open-source” strategy that offers affordable, widely available AI models for companies and individuals to use and modify as they wish. The production of the DeepSeek AI model, which matched the performance of Silicon Valley tools such as ChatGPT at a fraction of the cost for users, created goodwill among Chinese models with developers.

The four most popular models on OpenRouter, an AI hardware platform for developers, are now all Chinese. The goal for China is not only to win the frontier-model race, but to make its systems the default layer of AI adoption across industries and global markets. For most economies, the choice is increasingly between an affordable tool they can deploy now and a more robust one that may be out of reach.

And while the countries adopting Chinese models may be exposed to political pressure and cyber threats from Beijing, safer and more capable alternatives matter little if they are unaffordable. American AI companies are already under pressure to monetize products whose operating costs are rising. If Chinese open-source models become the cheap default for startups, universities, governments and businesses across the developing world, then America’s AI lead will be eroded from below.

Perhaps more concerning for America in the long run is how AI can give Chinese manufacturing even more strength, through the ongoing integration of AI as a general-purpose technology. China’s new Five-Year Plan mentioned AI more than 50 times and includes an “AI+” action plan aimed at spreading AI across the economy.

Beijing has been pioneering automation of its critical infrastructure for years, with promising recent results in increasing warplane production capacity. In that regard, China’s open-model strategy and manufacturing dominance will reinforce each other. Cheap, adaptable models accelerate deployment across the real economy while those deployments generate real-world data and use cases that can feed back into further model improvement.

The United States should not dismiss the importance of its lead in the AI race. That lead worries Beijing, not least because a more automated Chinese economy would also become more vulnerable to AI-generated cyber threats. But nor should Washington assume that China cannot catch up with American capabilities over time.

This AI competition represents part of a broader struggle over tech supply chains and geopolitical influence. Decisions over whether to adopt US or Chinese models could produce a more fragmented global reality, with different regions relying on different cloud providers, chips and security structures. The result will likely be a global economy which is divided into competing spheres, rather than one which produces a single winner.


Miquel Vila is a political and geopolitical risk consultant focusing on industrial strategy, critical infrastructure and global supply chains.

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