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Keir Starmer’s benefits cut will fuel populist challengers

Starmer faces the biggest rebellion of his premiership. Credit: Getty

Starmer faces the biggest rebellion of his premiership. Credit: Getty

14 March 2025 - 1:00pm

Keir Starmer is facing perhaps the biggest rebellion of his short time in office. The Labour leadership is currently in schmoozing mode, trying to win over rebels who oppose planned cuts to disability benefits. It’s rumoured that dozens of MPs are aghast at the situation, both on the established Labour Left and among newer, more loyal members. How Labour handles it could be critical for the long-term position of the party.

Appeasing the rebels might be hard, and the Government knows it has limited fiscal wiggle room. It was already struggling to raise public spending and improve services, a problem compounded by the perceived need for more defence spending. Tax rises of the sort needed would be hugely unpopular, and Britain would struggle to afford more borrowing. Cuts have to come from somewhere.

Starmer is making a strategic decision to pass them on to benefits, and disability benefits in particular. It is typical of his leadership, which seems haunted by voters’ worst stereotypes about Labour. Starmer is always worried that his party will be perceived as too high-spending or a soft touch on those unable or unwilling to work. This seems to drive his political decisions, as he always takes the route which is least likely to result in these sorts of allegations.

The Prime Minister does not want to face the traditional Tory attacks about Labour’s economic record. When combined with his moves on tax, his decision on cuts looks like a concerted effort to spare the average worker from the costs of increased spending. He’s opening himself up on the Left flank to keep this going.

This might not be sustainable for Starmer. Part of the oddness of last year’s election was the narrowness of Labour’s wins in its heartlands. In inner-city seats, the party’s vote plummeted, going not to the Right but to the Left. This benefitted the Greens and a range of independents. Though this was partly driven by Gaza, those smaller parties will be looking to exploit economic differences with Labour next time around. Moves like this could give them ammunition.

Labour also has to think about how this will affect Reform UK voters. The general trend is to see Reform, which remains broadly Thatcherite in its economics, as hawkish on benefits. But many of the seats where the party polls well are also ones with the highest rates of disability claimants. Cutting them could fuel further disillusionment in places like Blackpool and Merthyr Tydfil, on which Reform may capitalise.

In the short term, however, the biggest problem for Starmer might be internal. Once people have rebelled for the first time, they tend to find it an easier line to cross. Despite a big majority, a showdown now could seed the sort of dissent that makes getting anything done much more of a slog. More time will have to be devoted to parliamentary management; and blocs of opposition could solidify, expanding beyond the usual suspects on the Left. It could become a drag on everything he wants to do.

Fiscally, Starmer has little room for manoeuvre. But you always have a choice on who you take the fight to. He has his reasons for seeing benefits as the easiest thing, politically, to cut. It is not risk-free, however, and going against a key part of the Labour constituency could have serious ramifications for the PM in terms of both party management and electoral success.


John Oxley is a corporate strategist and political commentator. His Substack is Joxley Writes.

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China is threatening America in the AI race

Reports sugget Zhipu AI  has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

Reports sugget Zhipu AI has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

1 July 2026 - 10:18am

China is trying to catch up with America on artificial intelligence. The Wall Street Journal has reported that Zhipu AI — one of China’s six “AI tiger” LLMs — has released a new model that can rival leading US systems, including Anthropic’s Mythos, in cybersecurity tasks such as pinpointing security bugs. While this marks a milestone in China’s drive to catch up with Western AI capabilities, strong performance on a single benchmark does not mean it has taken the lead. Chinese models still lag behind their Western counterparts in broader capabilities, such as autonomous operation. Skepticism is therefore warranted before resorting to hysterical conclusions, but complacency about the geopolitical implications of China’s AI advances would be an even greater mistake.

On the infrastructure side, Chinese AI is still constrained by access to advanced chips, with American labs way ahead in computing capacity as well as investment. Analysis from earlier this year suggests that Chinese models are likely to be at least a few months behind those in the US. But they are still continuing to make progress, or that the geopolitical importance of AI will be decided only by whose LLM has ventured deeper into the technological frontier. The practical applications of AI, countries’ to capture foreign markets, and the application of AI into the real economy will matter just as much.

Here, China may hold an advantage. As with its dominance across many critical supply chains, Beijing may not need to produce the most advanced AI systems — only those that are affordable and widely deployable. In doing so, it could consolidate global influence by supplying functional, low-cost AI at scale.

Beijing seems to be pursuing exactly that path, developing an AI “open-source” strategy that offers affordable, widely available AI models for companies and individuals to use and modify as they wish. The production of the DeepSeek AI model, which matched the performance of Silicon Valley tools such as ChatGPT at a fraction of the cost for users, created goodwill among Chinese models with developers.

The four most popular models on OpenRouter, an AI hardware platform for developers, are now all Chinese. The goal for China is not only to win the frontier-model race, but to make its systems the default layer of AI adoption across industries and global markets. For most economies, the choice is increasingly between an affordable tool they can deploy now and a more robust one that may be out of reach.

And while the countries adopting Chinese models may be exposed to political pressure and cyber threats from Beijing, safer and more capable alternatives matter little if they are unaffordable. American AI companies are already under pressure to monetize products whose operating costs are rising. If Chinese open-source models become the cheap default for startups, universities, governments and businesses across the developing world, then America’s AI lead will be eroded from below.

Perhaps more concerning for America in the long run is how AI can give Chinese manufacturing even more strength, through the ongoing integration of AI as a general-purpose technology. China’s new Five-Year Plan mentioned AI more than 50 times and includes an “AI+” action plan aimed at spreading AI across the economy.

Beijing has been pioneering automation of its critical infrastructure for years, with promising recent results in increasing warplane production capacity. In that regard, China’s open-model strategy and manufacturing dominance will reinforce each other. Cheap, adaptable models accelerate deployment across the real economy while those deployments generate real-world data and use cases that can feed back into further model improvement.

The United States should not dismiss the importance of its lead in the AI race. That lead worries Beijing, not least because a more automated Chinese economy would also become more vulnerable to AI-generated cyber threats. But nor should Washington assume that China cannot catch up with American capabilities over time.

This AI competition represents part of a broader struggle over tech supply chains and geopolitical influence. Decisions over whether to adopt US or Chinese models could produce a more fragmented global reality, with different regions relying on different cloud providers, chips and security structures. The result will likely be a global economy which is divided into competing spheres, rather than one which produces a single winner.


Miquel Vila is a political and geopolitical risk consultant focusing on industrial strategy, critical infrastructure and global supply chains.

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