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Does Scotland have an antisemitism problem?

'Anti-Jewish discrimination, as a social issue to be tackled, is less dominant in the Scottish psyche than south of the border.' Credit: Getty

‘Anti-Jewish discrimination, as a social issue to be tackled, is less dominant in the Scottish psyche than south of the border.’ Credit: Getty

27 July 2025 - 8:00am

Last year at the Edinburgh Fringe, I saw precisely two shows — which, for a Festival Grinch like me, was more than usual. By coincidence, both of them happened to be by Jewish performers. The first was Messianic Moments And Cosmic Conversations, performed by the award-winning Barbara Heller. She and I hit it off after her insightful one-woman performance exploring the human cost of cancel culture, and she invited me along to see her friend Rachel Creeger’s comedy show Ultimate Jewish Mother that weekend. The title struck me as a brave one, as Heller had informed me she had been advised not to openly advertise her show as in any way Jewish-themed.

Creeger’s 2025 show, which was to be hosted at the same venue as last year with extra security, has now been cancelled altogether due to alleged “safety” concerns from staff at the pub. Comedian Philip Simon was also due to perform at the venue, hosting Jew-O-Rama, a show platforming Jewish comedic talents. Neither act is currently listed on the Fringe’s website anymore.

While it shouldn’t matter either way, Creeger’s show last year was far from overtly political, and was instead a send-up of stereotypes around Jewish motherhood and identity. When a venue is afraid to book a woman cracking jokes about the perfect chicken soup recipe, it’s hard not to see this as an indictment of a broader antisemitic climate.

Scottish First Minister John Swinney has given the problem some typically vague lip service, issuing a statement on “community cohesion” last September in which he condemned antisemitism along with Islamophobia and other forms of prejudice. Last May, he made a point of meeting the Scottish Council of Jewish Communities on the matter. But these gestures — not to mention the silence since — hardly amount to emphatic solidarity and a zero-tolerance approach.

In response to the Fringe cancellations, comedian and Triggernometry co-host Francis Foster wrote on X: “The snivelling narcissists who infest the comedy industry bang on about racism every six minutes. Apart from when there is genuine racism. Then they shut their traps like the cowards they are.” The point could also apply to the Scottish National Party. After all, it is ironic that a government responsible for drafting some of the most draconian hate speech legalisation in recent years seems to be twiddling its thumbs when it comes to antisemitism.

Anti-Jewish discrimination, as a social issue to be tackled, is less dominant in the Scottish psyche than south of the border. This could be partly due to the extremely small Jewish population in Scotland — just 0.1% according to the most recent census, compared to 0.5% of England and Wales. Put simply, antisemitism is just further down the list of priorities.

But the SNP has also leaned decisively in favour of Palestine and against Zionism since the 2014 Gaza conflict, long before Nicola Sturgeon’s full embrace of radical progressivism in alliance with the Scottish Greens. There is a strand of Scottish nationalism that sees Scotland’s oppressed “plight” under Westminster mirrored in conflicts across the globe. While this way of thinking is confined to particularly extremist nationalists, it goes a long way in explaining why oversimplified racial identity politics imported from the USA — that categorise Israelis and the Jewish population as a subset of “white”, and ergo “oppressor” — were embraced so unthinkingly along with the rest of the omnicause by Sturgeon and her successors.

Two cancelled Jewish comedians may sound insignificant in the grand scheme of things, but this sets a terrible precedent for both the Fringe Festival and the wider arts culture in Scotland. A bare-minimum gesture from Swinney would be to emphatically condemn the intimidation of Jewish performers — just as he would for any other, more fashionable group.


Nina Welsch is a writer and former librarian.

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China is threatening America in the AI race

Reports sugget Zhipu AI  has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

Reports sugget Zhipu AI has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

1 July 2026 - 10:18am

China is trying to catch up with America on artificial intelligence. The Wall Street Journal has reported that Zhipu AI — one of China’s six “AI tiger” LLMs — has released a new model that can rival leading US systems, including Anthropic’s Mythos, in cybersecurity tasks such as pinpointing security bugs. While this marks a milestone in China’s drive to catch up with Western AI capabilities, strong performance on a single benchmark does not mean it has taken the lead. Chinese models still lag behind their Western counterparts in broader capabilities, such as autonomous operation. Skepticism is therefore warranted before resorting to hysterical conclusions, but complacency about the geopolitical implications of China’s AI advances would be an even greater mistake.

On the infrastructure side, Chinese AI is still constrained by access to advanced chips, with American labs way ahead in computing capacity as well as investment. Analysis from earlier this year suggests that Chinese models are likely to be at least a few months behind those in the US. But they are still continuing to make progress, or that the geopolitical importance of AI will be decided only by whose LLM has ventured deeper into the technological frontier. The practical applications of AI, countries’ to capture foreign markets, and the application of AI into the real economy will matter just as much.

Here, China may hold an advantage. As with its dominance across many critical supply chains, Beijing may not need to produce the most advanced AI systems — only those that are affordable and widely deployable. In doing so, it could consolidate global influence by supplying functional, low-cost AI at scale.

Beijing seems to be pursuing exactly that path, developing an AI “open-source” strategy that offers affordable, widely available AI models for companies and individuals to use and modify as they wish. The production of the DeepSeek AI model, which matched the performance of Silicon Valley tools such as ChatGPT at a fraction of the cost for users, created goodwill among Chinese models with developers.

The four most popular models on OpenRouter, an AI hardware platform for developers, are now all Chinese. The goal for China is not only to win the frontier-model race, but to make its systems the default layer of AI adoption across industries and global markets. For most economies, the choice is increasingly between an affordable tool they can deploy now and a more robust one that may be out of reach.

And while the countries adopting Chinese models may be exposed to political pressure and cyber threats from Beijing, safer and more capable alternatives matter little if they are unaffordable. American AI companies are already under pressure to monetize products whose operating costs are rising. If Chinese open-source models become the cheap default for startups, universities, governments and businesses across the developing world, then America’s AI lead will be eroded from below.

Perhaps more concerning for America in the long run is how AI can give Chinese manufacturing even more strength, through the ongoing integration of AI as a general-purpose technology. China’s new Five-Year Plan mentioned AI more than 50 times and includes an “AI+” action plan aimed at spreading AI across the economy.

Beijing has been pioneering automation of its critical infrastructure for years, with promising recent results in increasing warplane production capacity. In that regard, China’s open-model strategy and manufacturing dominance will reinforce each other. Cheap, adaptable models accelerate deployment across the real economy while those deployments generate real-world data and use cases that can feed back into further model improvement.

The United States should not dismiss the importance of its lead in the AI race. That lead worries Beijing, not least because a more automated Chinese economy would also become more vulnerable to AI-generated cyber threats. But nor should Washington assume that China cannot catch up with American capabilities over time.

This AI competition represents part of a broader struggle over tech supply chains and geopolitical influence. Decisions over whether to adopt US or Chinese models could produce a more fragmented global reality, with different regions relying on different cloud providers, chips and security structures. The result will likely be a global economy which is divided into competing spheres, rather than one which produces a single winner.


Miquel Vila is a political and geopolitical risk consultant focusing on industrial strategy, critical infrastructure and global supply chains.

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