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David Hockney never lost his Yorkshire soul

Nobody has ever painted affluent America with greater gratitude. Credit: Getty

Nobody has ever painted affluent America with greater gratitude. Credit: Getty

12 June 2026 - 4:00pm

The achievement of David Hockney, who has died at 88, was to attain that rarest form of fame: recognition not merely among the glitterati and gallery-goers but among the gormless philistines who know only where the gallery café is. The platinum hair, the round spectacles, the cigarettes whose virtues he extolled in these pages, the Yorkshire accent untouched by metropolitan varnish: all formed part of one of the most recognisable public personae in British cultural life.

His death marks the passing of a distinctly British cultural type. There was a time when painters occupied a surprisingly prominent place in our national imagination. One did not need to know much about Bacon, Freud or Hockney to know who they were. Their names escaped the pages of the Burlington Magazine and entered ordinary conversation.

Today, by contrast, painters are largely confined to the world of curators, patrons and foundation boards. Hockney belonged to the last generation for whom artistic fame retained something of its older authority: the assumption that a painter might have something worth saying not merely about art but about life itself. The point, always, was to remain intelligible even to the analphabetic in art history.

Yet beneath the bluffness lay one of the most consequential artistic careers of the postwar era. Hockney became the public face of a Britain shedding several old inhibitions at once. When he entered public consciousness, Britain was a country of shortages and prohibitions, deference and pudeur. By the time he became a national institution, Britain was an altogether wealthier and more permissive society. Few artists came to embody that transformation more vividly. Hockney was openly gay long before such openness became unremarkable; unapologetically sybaritic in a culture singularly hostile to pleasure; and mesmerised by the aesthetics of prosperity at a moment when many of his loftier compatriots still regarded consumer society with disdain.

This helps explain the extraordinary resonance of the Californian paintings. Their subject was not really swimming pools but America itself — or rather, a certain idea of it, as viewed from across the pond. Hockney, a petit-bourgeois Bradford boy, arrived in Los Angeles in the mid-Sixties fresh from the drab afterlife of austerity Britain. There, he encountered a world of palm trees, modernist villas, young men in short shorts, and the curious spectacle of vast quantities of water devoted entirely to leisure. The shock of discovering what the art critic David Sylvester called “Coca-Cola culture” never quite left him.

The premise of A Bigger Splash is simply that there is enough water here to maintain a private swimming pool in the desert. Viewed from postwar Bradford, this bordered on science fiction. Hockney’s great asset was his glorious Britpoor gaze. Nobody has ever painted affluent America with greater gratitude.

He was, crucially, not merely a Yorkshireman abroad but a gay Yorkshireman abroad. His artistic maturity coincided with a Britain in which homosexuality remained criminalised. California, therefore, represented not simply opulence but liberation, offering freedoms both pecuniary and sexual. Where his snooty coevals back home saw America as a vulgarly materialistic dystopia, Hockney saw an abundancemaxxing society of affluence and disinhibition. In this respect, he was doing more than painting California. He was helping Britain learn to regard prosperity without embarrassment.

There was, admittedly, a danger in all this. The Californian paintings were so perfectly realised, so completely attuned to a particular historical moment, that the rest of Hockney’s career can sometimes feel like an extended coda. Yet perhaps it was to his credit that he abandoned his signature style almost as soon as he had found it. Lesser artists spend their lives repeating the picture that made them famous. Hockney, however, turned to producing photographic “joiners,” assembling dozens of images into fractured wholes that owed as much to Cubism as photography. Later came the vast Yorkshire landscapes, multi-screen video installations, and iPad paintings.

Not every critic was persuaded. During the high tide of conceptual art, Hockney’s popularity often counted against him. He seemed too cheerful, too accessible, too committed to beauty. Yet, with the sophistication of hindsight, it is evident that Hockney inspired an affection that exceeded admiration. Ordinary Brits genuinely liked him. He seemed to personify many of the changes that transformed the country for the better: the provincial who became a global celebrity without surrendering his accent; the homosexual who no longer felt obliged to conceal himself; the self-styled “anarchist-socialist” who enjoyed worldly success. There was something reassuringly postwar British about all this.

Above all, however, Hockney enlarged the realm of the permissible. We owe him no small debt for helping free us from the constraints of a lingering puritanism, even for those of us who never quite managed to see American suburbia as Arcadia.


Pratinav Anil is the author of two bleak assessments of 20th-century Indian history. He teaches at St Edmund Hall, Oxford.

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China is threatening America in the AI race

Reports sugget Zhipu AI  has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

Reports sugget Zhipu AI has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

1 July 2026 - 10:18am

China is trying to catch up with America on artificial intelligence. The Wall Street Journal has reported that Zhipu AI — one of China’s six “AI tiger” LLMs — has released a new model that can rival leading US systems, including Anthropic’s Mythos, in cybersecurity tasks such as pinpointing security bugs. While this marks a milestone in China’s drive to catch up with Western AI capabilities, strong performance on a single benchmark does not mean it has taken the lead. Chinese models still lag behind their Western counterparts in broader capabilities, such as autonomous operation. Skepticism is therefore warranted before resorting to hysterical conclusions, but complacency about the geopolitical implications of China’s AI advances would be an even greater mistake.

On the infrastructure side, Chinese AI is still constrained by access to advanced chips, with American labs way ahead in computing capacity as well as investment. Analysis from earlier this year suggests that Chinese models are likely to be at least a few months behind those in the US. But they are still continuing to make progress, or that the geopolitical importance of AI will be decided only by whose LLM has ventured deeper into the technological frontier. The practical applications of AI, countries’ to capture foreign markets, and the application of AI into the real economy will matter just as much.

Here, China may hold an advantage. As with its dominance across many critical supply chains, Beijing may not need to produce the most advanced AI systems — only those that are affordable and widely deployable. In doing so, it could consolidate global influence by supplying functional, low-cost AI at scale.

Beijing seems to be pursuing exactly that path, developing an AI “open-source” strategy that offers affordable, widely available AI models for companies and individuals to use and modify as they wish. The production of the DeepSeek AI model, which matched the performance of Silicon Valley tools such as ChatGPT at a fraction of the cost for users, created goodwill among Chinese models with developers.

The four most popular models on OpenRouter, an AI hardware platform for developers, are now all Chinese. The goal for China is not only to win the frontier-model race, but to make its systems the default layer of AI adoption across industries and global markets. For most economies, the choice is increasingly between an affordable tool they can deploy now and a more robust one that may be out of reach.

And while the countries adopting Chinese models may be exposed to political pressure and cyber threats from Beijing, safer and more capable alternatives matter little if they are unaffordable. American AI companies are already under pressure to monetize products whose operating costs are rising. If Chinese open-source models become the cheap default for startups, universities, governments and businesses across the developing world, then America’s AI lead will be eroded from below.

Perhaps more concerning for America in the long run is how AI can give Chinese manufacturing even more strength, through the ongoing integration of AI as a general-purpose technology. China’s new Five-Year Plan mentioned AI more than 50 times and includes an “AI+” action plan aimed at spreading AI across the economy.

Beijing has been pioneering automation of its critical infrastructure for years, with promising recent results in increasing warplane production capacity. In that regard, China’s open-model strategy and manufacturing dominance will reinforce each other. Cheap, adaptable models accelerate deployment across the real economy while those deployments generate real-world data and use cases that can feed back into further model improvement.

The United States should not dismiss the importance of its lead in the AI race. That lead worries Beijing, not least because a more automated Chinese economy would also become more vulnerable to AI-generated cyber threats. But nor should Washington assume that China cannot catch up with American capabilities over time.

This AI competition represents part of a broader struggle over tech supply chains and geopolitical influence. Decisions over whether to adopt US or Chinese models could produce a more fragmented global reality, with different regions relying on different cloud providers, chips and security structures. The result will likely be a global economy which is divided into competing spheres, rather than one which produces a single winner.


Miquel Vila is a political and geopolitical risk consultant focusing on industrial strategy, critical infrastructure and global supply chains.

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