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Cutting down GCSEs will coddle children

Young people must learn to become emotionally resilient. Credit: Getty

Young people must learn to become emotionally resilient. Credit: Getty

19 March 2025 - 4:45pm

Yesterday’s publication of the interim report of the Curriculum and Assessment Review gives the strongest sense yet of what schools will be told to teach under this Labour government. Perhaps the most alarming recommendation is that pupils in England should take fewer GCSE exams than they currently have to. It is in keeping with the report’s other suggestions, which point to a narrowing of academic expectations and a predictable emphasis on trying to take the stress and anxiety out of exams.

Indeed, anybody concerned with maintaining high academic standards in our schools should be worried by its main messages. The “broad and balanced curriculum” referred to throughout will not be as broad or as balanced as the one it is set to replace, and these platitudes stem from a misguided desire not to damage pupils’ mental health.

The report’s authors claim that “half of those who completed their key stage 4 exams or assessments in summer 2024 found it difficult (41%) or very difficult (10%) to cope with stress during the exam period.” But exams inevitably cause stress, and young people complaining about taking them should not be news to anyone involved in schools. It doesn’t mean we have to act on what they say: after all, sometimes the adults really do know best.

Young people must learn to become emotionally resilient. If we keep deferring this fundamental adult quality, then we actively contribute to them being unqualified for adult life — regardless of how many certificates they have. High-stakes final assessments are the fairest way of measuring attainment: they eliminate teacher bias, and are surely better than any alternative model. And the more papers taken, the more likely it is that the final grade will be an accurate reflection of that student’s knowledge. Reduce a GCSE to one paper and the only decline you will see is in the fairness of that final grade: the stress is just delayed.

Ever since Education Secretary Bridget Phillipson appointed Professor Becky Francis to chair the review, the worry for all of us working in education was that diversity and inclusion would become the twin lodestars guiding all educational priorities. Francis has a long history of viewing schools as “damaging organisations”, and so for her it is logical to see a teacher’s role as being essentially palliative rather than academic.

By extension, if you feel that setting by ability is an act of “violence”, as Francis has also written, then discipline, competition, monitoring, examination and exclusion are different tools used to enact institutional control and promote certain systemic “hierarchies”. Put simply, for many progressive educationalists such as Francis, the way to get around schools failing children is to change what and how they teach. These themes are evident in this report, and no doubt will be recommended in more detail and with greater force when the full review is published in the autumn. Phillipson will almost certainly give it her full support.

There are some parts of the report which are to be welcomed, but they are obscured by an agenda that sees teaching and learning as tools for effecting social change. The Curriculum Review will become the foundation of one of the most important and lasting pieces of legislation this government will introduce during this parliament. This report suggests that academic rigour will become secondary to other politically determined issues. The stakes could not be higher; and should this reform fail, it will be our children who suffer.


David James is deputy head at a leading independent school in London, and also teaches at a local state school.

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China is threatening America in the AI race

Reports sugget Zhipu AI  has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

Reports sugget Zhipu AI has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

1 July 2026 - 10:18am

China is trying to catch up with America on artificial intelligence. The Wall Street Journal has reported that Zhipu AI — one of China’s six “AI tiger” LLMs — has released a new model that can rival leading US systems, including Anthropic’s Mythos, in cybersecurity tasks such as pinpointing security bugs. While this marks a milestone in China’s drive to catch up with Western AI capabilities, strong performance on a single benchmark does not mean it has taken the lead. Chinese models still lag behind their Western counterparts in broader capabilities, such as autonomous operation. Skepticism is therefore warranted before resorting to hysterical conclusions, but complacency about the geopolitical implications of China’s AI advances would be an even greater mistake.

On the infrastructure side, Chinese AI is still constrained by access to advanced chips, with American labs way ahead in computing capacity as well as investment. Analysis from earlier this year suggests that Chinese models are likely to be at least a few months behind those in the US. But they are still continuing to make progress, or that the geopolitical importance of AI will be decided only by whose LLM has ventured deeper into the technological frontier. The practical applications of AI, countries’ to capture foreign markets, and the application of AI into the real economy will matter just as much.

Here, China may hold an advantage. As with its dominance across many critical supply chains, Beijing may not need to produce the most advanced AI systems — only those that are affordable and widely deployable. In doing so, it could consolidate global influence by supplying functional, low-cost AI at scale.

Beijing seems to be pursuing exactly that path, developing an AI “open-source” strategy that offers affordable, widely available AI models for companies and individuals to use and modify as they wish. The production of the DeepSeek AI model, which matched the performance of Silicon Valley tools such as ChatGPT at a fraction of the cost for users, created goodwill among Chinese models with developers.

The four most popular models on OpenRouter, an AI hardware platform for developers, are now all Chinese. The goal for China is not only to win the frontier-model race, but to make its systems the default layer of AI adoption across industries and global markets. For most economies, the choice is increasingly between an affordable tool they can deploy now and a more robust one that may be out of reach.

And while the countries adopting Chinese models may be exposed to political pressure and cyber threats from Beijing, safer and more capable alternatives matter little if they are unaffordable. American AI companies are already under pressure to monetize products whose operating costs are rising. If Chinese open-source models become the cheap default for startups, universities, governments and businesses across the developing world, then America’s AI lead will be eroded from below.

Perhaps more concerning for America in the long run is how AI can give Chinese manufacturing even more strength, through the ongoing integration of AI as a general-purpose technology. China’s new Five-Year Plan mentioned AI more than 50 times and includes an “AI+” action plan aimed at spreading AI across the economy.

Beijing has been pioneering automation of its critical infrastructure for years, with promising recent results in increasing warplane production capacity. In that regard, China’s open-model strategy and manufacturing dominance will reinforce each other. Cheap, adaptable models accelerate deployment across the real economy while those deployments generate real-world data and use cases that can feed back into further model improvement.

The United States should not dismiss the importance of its lead in the AI race. That lead worries Beijing, not least because a more automated Chinese economy would also become more vulnerable to AI-generated cyber threats. But nor should Washington assume that China cannot catch up with American capabilities over time.

This AI competition represents part of a broader struggle over tech supply chains and geopolitical influence. Decisions over whether to adopt US or Chinese models could produce a more fragmented global reality, with different regions relying on different cloud providers, chips and security structures. The result will likely be a global economy which is divided into competing spheres, rather than one which produces a single winner.


Miquel Vila is a political and geopolitical risk consultant focusing on industrial strategy, critical infrastructure and global supply chains.

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