X Close

British police are unprepared for violent disorder

Is the UK still a high-trust society? Credit: Getty

Is the UK still a high-trust society? Credit: Getty

7 August 2025 - 7:00am

Driving home from holiday on a French motorway last week, we were passed by a convoy of gendarmes. Nine or 10 large blue vans, lights flashing, hurried past at high speed. I never did find out where they were going or what they were doing, but I was quite keen to get out of their way. La Gendarmerie Nationale has a reputation for ferocity, as you might expect from a unit of the armed forces.

The sight of the convoy was a timely reminder that the French state, with a population almost identical to that of Britain, has vastly more police and public-order resources available than our own authorities. The gendarmes number almost 100,000 officers, while the National Police employs another 145,000, although that figure includes civilian and support workers. With local municipal forces, the total rises to around 250,000. In comparison, the British figure, including the Police Service of Northern Ireland, is around 170,000.

The reminder was timely because of growing concerns in Britain about the state’s ability to keep the peace. This week it emerged that plans are being made to release inmates early to free up prison space for those detained at protests against the settlement of illegal immigrants in English communities, as well as demonstrations in favour of Palestine Action.

Public-order policing is in the spotlight in Britain, after years of controversy over the authorities’ manifest refusal to apply the law without fear or favour. Certain groups have largely been indulged — Black Lives Matter, pro-Gaza protesters, Just Stop Oil — and others have been dealt with harshly. Last month, a police officer in Epping drove a van at speed into a protester against asylum hotels, with no apparent consequence.

The truth is that the British state has relatively limited options available in the face of serious civil unrest, and the fiddling at the edges with prison capacity is another example of this fact. Clearly, the establishment hopes that some punitive and exemplary sentences can dampen community tensions.

But our resources are, in the words of Bilbo Baggins, “like butter that has been stretched over too much bread”. Even at the height of last summer’s serious riots, the Guardian reported that only about 6,000 trained riot police were available across the country, with another 2,000 in reserve. Over a third of officers in England and Wales are women, who are often ill-suited to the physical demands of public-order policing. The reservoir of special constables is small, at around 6,000. The army could be called upon to help in extremis. However, even if a government were willing to take such a controversial step, the entire strength of the army is below 75,000, with fewer than 20,000 infantry.

One can understand why successive governments have paid little attention to the maintenance of the state’s ability to control the streets. Mainland Britain has been a basically high-trust and orderly place for a long time, and its record remains enviable compared to many other places in the world. Nevertheless, its social bonds are visibly fraying. There is a widespread and often justified feeling that the Government is no longer on the side of the people. Keir Starmer claimed in a recent interview that he sleeps well at night; perhaps he shouldn’t.


Niall Gooch is a public sector worker and occasional writer who lives in Kent.

niall_gooch

China is threatening America in the AI race

Reports sugget Zhipu AI  has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

Reports sugget Zhipu AI has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

1 July 2026 - 10:18am

China is trying to catch up with America on artificial intelligence. The Wall Street Journal has reported that Zhipu AI — one of China’s six “AI tiger” LLMs — has released a new model that can rival leading US systems, including Anthropic’s Mythos, in cybersecurity tasks such as pinpointing security bugs. While this marks a milestone in China’s drive to catch up with Western AI capabilities, strong performance on a single benchmark does not mean it has taken the lead. Chinese models still lag behind their Western counterparts in broader capabilities, such as autonomous operation. Skepticism is therefore warranted before resorting to hysterical conclusions, but complacency about the geopolitical implications of China’s AI advances would be an even greater mistake.

On the infrastructure side, Chinese AI is still constrained by access to advanced chips, with American labs way ahead in computing capacity as well as investment. Analysis from earlier this year suggests that Chinese models are likely to be at least a few months behind those in the US. But they are still continuing to make progress, or that the geopolitical importance of AI will be decided only by whose LLM has ventured deeper into the technological frontier. The practical applications of AI, countries’ to capture foreign markets, and the application of AI into the real economy will matter just as much.

Here, China may hold an advantage. As with its dominance across many critical supply chains, Beijing may not need to produce the most advanced AI systems — only those that are affordable and widely deployable. In doing so, it could consolidate global influence by supplying functional, low-cost AI at scale.

Beijing seems to be pursuing exactly that path, developing an AI “open-source” strategy that offers affordable, widely available AI models for companies and individuals to use and modify as they wish. The production of the DeepSeek AI model, which matched the performance of Silicon Valley tools such as ChatGPT at a fraction of the cost for users, created goodwill among Chinese models with developers.

The four most popular models on OpenRouter, an AI hardware platform for developers, are now all Chinese. The goal for China is not only to win the frontier-model race, but to make its systems the default layer of AI adoption across industries and global markets. For most economies, the choice is increasingly between an affordable tool they can deploy now and a more robust one that may be out of reach.

And while the countries adopting Chinese models may be exposed to political pressure and cyber threats from Beijing, safer and more capable alternatives matter little if they are unaffordable. American AI companies are already under pressure to monetize products whose operating costs are rising. If Chinese open-source models become the cheap default for startups, universities, governments and businesses across the developing world, then America’s AI lead will be eroded from below.

Perhaps more concerning for America in the long run is how AI can give Chinese manufacturing even more strength, through the ongoing integration of AI as a general-purpose technology. China’s new Five-Year Plan mentioned AI more than 50 times and includes an “AI+” action plan aimed at spreading AI across the economy.

Beijing has been pioneering automation of its critical infrastructure for years, with promising recent results in increasing warplane production capacity. In that regard, China’s open-model strategy and manufacturing dominance will reinforce each other. Cheap, adaptable models accelerate deployment across the real economy while those deployments generate real-world data and use cases that can feed back into further model improvement.

The United States should not dismiss the importance of its lead in the AI race. That lead worries Beijing, not least because a more automated Chinese economy would also become more vulnerable to AI-generated cyber threats. But nor should Washington assume that China cannot catch up with American capabilities over time.

This AI competition represents part of a broader struggle over tech supply chains and geopolitical influence. Decisions over whether to adopt US or Chinese models could produce a more fragmented global reality, with different regions relying on different cloud providers, chips and security structures. The result will likely be a global economy which is divided into competing spheres, rather than one which produces a single winner.


Miquel Vila is a political and geopolitical risk consultant focusing on industrial strategy, critical infrastructure and global supply chains.

miquelvilam