X Close

Bob Vylan reaction reveals a split on the British Right

Younger conservatives were more bothered by Vylan's 'gammon' quip than his 'death to the IDF' chant. Credit: Getty

Younger conservatives were more bothered by Vylan’s ‘gammon’ quip than his ‘death to the IDF’ chant. Credit: Getty

30 June 2025 - 11:15am

Another year, another Glastonbury culture war moment. Last year it was Banksy’s inflatable model Channel migrant boat, which “sailed” across the crowd during an Idles set. This year it was Bob Vylan, leading a packed crowd in a rousing rendition of “Death to the IDF” and — less commented-on by the press, but just as provocative to the kind of people who don’t attend Glastonbury — a rock-rap number whose chorus goes: “Heard you want your country back? Shut the f*ck up!”.

This incident spawned two main types of Right-wing reaction. The first kind focused on “Death to the IDF”, with some suggesting the band should be arrested for inciting violence. (The BBC’s footage of the performance has since been taken down.) The second was less offended by Vylan’s views on Israel than what was interpreted as triumphant gloating at the displacement of white Britons by immigrants.

Lots, as they say, going on here. But two things come through clearly. Firstly, despite all the anguished soul-searching after Brexit, the gulf between British bourgeois culture and that of the rest of the country continues to widen. And, secondly, that the Right is now starkly divided internally on the question of migration and civic nationalism, not just along class lines but also generationally.

It is commonplace to note the relative wealth, ethnic homogeneity, and advancing age of the typical Glastonbury crowd. It’s perhaps plausible, for this crowd, to interpret “heard you want your country back? Shut the f*** up!” not in ethnic tribal terms but cultural ones: that is, as revisiting the “Somewheres and Anywheres” cultural split discernible in the country at least since Brexit.

On one side of this divide stand the bourgeois progressives, usually white and well-off, who tend to live in more homogenous areas and to regard “diverse” Britain as an improvement: a group visibly well represented at Glastonbury. On the other, classically, we find often more working-class cultural conservatives, dismissively referred to by their opponents using the ethnic slur “gammon”, for whom high levels of immigration are experienced both as economic threat and cultural dispossession.

This group is, to say the least, not well-represented at Glastonbury. Vylan’s song explicitly celebrates their cultural weakness and anger:

“We the people in the street
Got the gammons on retreat
And their blood boils over when we speak”

In one sense, this is well-trodden culture war territory. What felt new about Vylan’s intervention, though, was the framing not in terms of egalitarianism or vulnerability but territorial conquest:

“So let it be heard
We ain’t wasting a scrap when we eat
And when we comе for it then we’re coming to keep”

Secondly and relatedly, what’s new is that a large subset of the Right heard Vylan’s lyrics in exactly these terms: an intervention in a war not of culture but race, between immigrants and the native English. Here, though, the split runs not just between Left and Right, but also through the middle of the Right — not just along class lines but also those of age.

Those on the Right that hew to a civic-nationalist view of identity tend to break older and more wealthy. This reflects the classic “Somewheres vs Anywheres” divide, but is now complicated by a further attack from their Right, at the hands of a typically young and increasingly vocal group for whom “British Values”-type multiculturalism asks too great a cultural sacrifice to bland liberal buzzwords like “equality” and “diversity”.

This fissure is growing increasingly marked, as in the explosive exchanges reported at last Monday’s Roger Scruton Memorial Conference between younger, often more ethnocentrist conservative attendees and the older civic nationalists onstage. It was also reflected in the split Right-wing reaction to Vylan’s set. Older mainstream conservatives were outraged by “Death to the IDF”, (probably accurately) interpreted as code for wishing death on all Israelis, or even all Jews, but had far less to say about “the gammons on retreat”. Younger radicals, though, show relatively little interest in ethnically-coded territorial disputes in the Middle East, while expressing increasingly vocal anxieties over the emergence of ethnically-coded territorial disputes here in England.

Meanwhile, as attested by the BBC’s publication of this footage without any apparent sense of the backlash it would cause, the bourgeois mainstream seems content to continue treating all these questions as both settled and off-limits. Taken together, the situation has the unsettling feeling of a boiler slowly over-heating, with all possible pressure release mechanisms screwed immovably shut.


Mary Harrington is a contributing editor at UnHerd.

moveincircles

China is threatening America in the AI race

Reports sugget Zhipu AI  has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

Reports sugget Zhipu AI has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

1 July 2026 - 10:18am

China is trying to catch up with America on artificial intelligence. The Wall Street Journal has reported that Zhipu AI — one of China’s six “AI tiger” LLMs — has released a new model that can rival leading US systems, including Anthropic’s Mythos, in cybersecurity tasks such as pinpointing security bugs. While this marks a milestone in China’s drive to catch up with Western AI capabilities, strong performance on a single benchmark does not mean it has taken the lead. Chinese models still lag behind their Western counterparts in broader capabilities, such as autonomous operation. Skepticism is therefore warranted before resorting to hysterical conclusions, but complacency about the geopolitical implications of China’s AI advances would be an even greater mistake.

On the infrastructure side, Chinese AI is still constrained by access to advanced chips, with American labs way ahead in computing capacity as well as investment. Analysis from earlier this year suggests that Chinese models are likely to be at least a few months behind those in the US. But they are still continuing to make progress, or that the geopolitical importance of AI will be decided only by whose LLM has ventured deeper into the technological frontier. The practical applications of AI, countries’ to capture foreign markets, and the application of AI into the real economy will matter just as much.

Here, China may hold an advantage. As with its dominance across many critical supply chains, Beijing may not need to produce the most advanced AI systems — only those that are affordable and widely deployable. In doing so, it could consolidate global influence by supplying functional, low-cost AI at scale.

Beijing seems to be pursuing exactly that path, developing an AI “open-source” strategy that offers affordable, widely available AI models for companies and individuals to use and modify as they wish. The production of the DeepSeek AI model, which matched the performance of Silicon Valley tools such as ChatGPT at a fraction of the cost for users, created goodwill among Chinese models with developers.

The four most popular models on OpenRouter, an AI hardware platform for developers, are now all Chinese. The goal for China is not only to win the frontier-model race, but to make its systems the default layer of AI adoption across industries and global markets. For most economies, the choice is increasingly between an affordable tool they can deploy now and a more robust one that may be out of reach.

And while the countries adopting Chinese models may be exposed to political pressure and cyber threats from Beijing, safer and more capable alternatives matter little if they are unaffordable. American AI companies are already under pressure to monetize products whose operating costs are rising. If Chinese open-source models become the cheap default for startups, universities, governments and businesses across the developing world, then America’s AI lead will be eroded from below.

Perhaps more concerning for America in the long run is how AI can give Chinese manufacturing even more strength, through the ongoing integration of AI as a general-purpose technology. China’s new Five-Year Plan mentioned AI more than 50 times and includes an “AI+” action plan aimed at spreading AI across the economy.

Beijing has been pioneering automation of its critical infrastructure for years, with promising recent results in increasing warplane production capacity. In that regard, China’s open-model strategy and manufacturing dominance will reinforce each other. Cheap, adaptable models accelerate deployment across the real economy while those deployments generate real-world data and use cases that can feed back into further model improvement.

The United States should not dismiss the importance of its lead in the AI race. That lead worries Beijing, not least because a more automated Chinese economy would also become more vulnerable to AI-generated cyber threats. But nor should Washington assume that China cannot catch up with American capabilities over time.

This AI competition represents part of a broader struggle over tech supply chains and geopolitical influence. Decisions over whether to adopt US or Chinese models could produce a more fragmented global reality, with different regions relying on different cloud providers, chips and security structures. The result will likely be a global economy which is divided into competing spheres, rather than one which produces a single winner.


Miquel Vila is a political and geopolitical risk consultant focusing on industrial strategy, critical infrastructure and global supply chains.

miquelvilam