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Do Scottish voters want devolved immigration?

Will more migration defeat the far-Right? Credit: Getty

Will more migration defeat the far-Right? Credit: Getty

April 26 2025 - 12:30pm

When Tony Blair blocked the Scottish Parliament from acquiring powers over immigration in the 1998 Scotland Act, he knew what he was doing. New Labour may have been ideologically committed to substantially higher levels of immigration than previous governments, but it did not want that increased by Scotland providing a back door to England.

Ever since, the Scottish National Party has been demanding that power over immigration should be devolved to Holyrood in order to address labor shortages in social care and agriculture, and to compensate for Scotland’s rapidly aging population. The Quebec province of Canada has power to set its own levels of immigration, the argument goes, so why not a country like Scotland? Before the Brexit referendum, Michael Gove, then Justice Secretary, suggested that Scotland could have its own immigration policy if the UK left the European Union.

This week, the SNP MP Stephen Gethins cited Gove as he introduced his Devolution (Immigration) (Scotland) Bill in the Commons. He wants a special Scottish visa to allow more workers to staff Scotland’s hospitality industry and care service. But would they stay there? Most migrants to the UK want to live and work in the great cities of England, London especially, where there are already large immigrant communities. How would Scotland prevent them relocating south? There may be ways of using Scotland’s taxation system to block this, but the UK Government isn’t taking the risk.

Keir Starmer has been almost as hostile towards mass immigration as the Tories, rhetorically at least. Last November, he even accused Boris Johnson and Rishi Sunak of conducting “an experiment in open borders” after it was revealed that annual net migration to the UK had hit a record of nearly one million. Allowing Scots to offer a more liberal visa system, perhaps lowering the income threshold or permitting migrants to bring family members, as Gethins proposed, would not fit well with that stance. Labour MPs ensured that Gethins’s Private Member’s Bill was duly talked out.

But does Scotland really want mass migration? After all, those small Nordic countries, like Denmark and Sweden, to which the SNP always aspires have turned militantly against migrant influxes. In Denmark’s case, this extends to bulldozing areas deemed to have become “parallel societies”, ethnic ghettos ridden with crime. Indeed, this week John Swinney hosted a summit in Glasgow to combat the rise of the “far-Right”. If he is genuinely afraid of the rise of far-Right politics in Scottish society, surely more immigration is not the answer.

Scotland is generally more positive towards immigrants than England, at least according to surveys. But Scotland remains 95% white and has not bristled with much of the fast social change many English cities have. Instead of accusing Westminster of depriving Scotland of immigrants, Gethins might have asked his own Scottish government why, after 17 years in office, it has failed to attract more of the record numbers who’ve come to Britain. In 2022, out of 745,000 net UK migrants, only 22,000 made it to Scotland according to the ONS.

There was never any “white Scotland” policy. Nor has England been greedily hogging those who have come here. It is simply that the Scottish economy has for many decades failed to generate sufficient numbers of well-paid jobs to attract migrants. But, as we have seen in the UK in general, immigration increases GDP but pushes down GDP per capita, while putting excess strain on creaking services and infrastructure. Perhaps, instead of berating Westminster, the SNP should be thankful it has dodged a bullet.


Iain Macwhirter was political commentator for The Herald between 1999 and 2022, and is the author of Disunited Kingdom: How Westminster Won a Referendum But Lost Scotland. He was Rector of the University of Edinburgh from 2009-12.

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China is threatening America in the AI race

Reports sugget Zhipu AI  has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

Reports sugget Zhipu AI has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

July 1 2026 - 10:18am

China is trying to catch up with America on artificial intelligence. The Wall Street Journal has reported that Zhipu AI — one of China’s six “AI tiger” LLMs — has released a new model that can rival leading US systems, including Anthropic’s Mythos, in cybersecurity tasks such as pinpointing security bugs. While this marks a milestone in China’s drive to catch up with Western AI capabilities, strong performance on a single benchmark does not mean it has taken the lead. Chinese models still lag behind their Western counterparts in broader capabilities, such as autonomous operation. Skepticism is therefore warranted before resorting to hysterical conclusions, but complacency about the geopolitical implications of China’s AI advances would be an even greater mistake.

On the infrastructure side, Chinese AI is still constrained by access to advanced chips, with American labs way ahead in computing capacity as well as investment. Analysis from earlier this year suggests that Chinese models are likely to be at least a few months behind those in the US. But they are still continuing to make progress, or that the geopolitical importance of AI will be decided only by whose LLM has ventured deeper into the technological frontier. The practical applications of AI, countries’ to capture foreign markets, and the application of AI into the real economy will matter just as much.

Here, China may hold an advantage. As with its dominance across many critical supply chains, Beijing may not need to produce the most advanced AI systems — only those that are affordable and widely deployable. In doing so, it could consolidate global influence by supplying functional, low-cost AI at scale.

Beijing seems to be pursuing exactly that path, developing an AI “open-source” strategy that offers affordable, widely available AI models for companies and individuals to use and modify as they wish. The production of the DeepSeek AI model, which matched the performance of Silicon Valley tools such as ChatGPT at a fraction of the cost for users, created goodwill among Chinese models with developers.

The four most popular models on OpenRouter, an AI hardware platform for developers, are now all Chinese. The goal for China is not only to win the frontier-model race, but to make its systems the default layer of AI adoption across industries and global markets. For most economies, the choice is increasingly between an affordable tool they can deploy now and a more robust one that may be out of reach.

And while the countries adopting Chinese models may be exposed to political pressure and cyber threats from Beijing, safer and more capable alternatives matter little if they are unaffordable. American AI companies are already under pressure to monetize products whose operating costs are rising. If Chinese open-source models become the cheap default for startups, universities, governments and businesses across the developing world, then America’s AI lead will be eroded from below.

Perhaps more concerning for America in the long run is how AI can give Chinese manufacturing even more strength, through the ongoing integration of AI as a general-purpose technology. China’s new Five-Year Plan mentioned AI more than 50 times and includes an “AI+” action plan aimed at spreading AI across the economy.

Beijing has been pioneering automation of its critical infrastructure for years, with promising recent results in increasing warplane production capacity. In that regard, China’s open-model strategy and manufacturing dominance will reinforce each other. Cheap, adaptable models accelerate deployment across the real economy while those deployments generate real-world data and use cases that can feed back into further model improvement.

The United States should not dismiss the importance of its lead in the AI race. That lead worries Beijing, not least because a more automated Chinese economy would also become more vulnerable to AI-generated cyber threats. But nor should Washington assume that China cannot catch up with American capabilities over time.

This AI competition represents part of a broader struggle over tech supply chains and geopolitical influence. Decisions over whether to adopt US or Chinese models could produce a more fragmented global reality, with different regions relying on different cloud providers, chips and security structures. The result will likely be a global economy which is divided into competing spheres, rather than one which produces a single winner.


Miquel Vila is a political and geopolitical risk consultant focusing on industrial strategy, critical infrastructure and global supply chains.

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