X Close

Will the Kursk raid backfire on Ukraine?

A local volunteer looks at a building damaged by Ukrainian strikes in Kursk. Credit: Getty

A local volunteer looks at a building damaged by Ukrainian strikes in Kursk. Credit: Getty

August 19 2024 - 4:10pm

Over the past week, Ukrainian forces have established a 1,000-square-kilometer bulge in Russia’s Kursk region. An additional thrust to the south, in the Belgorod region, is also underway. Ukraine‘s foreign ministry says it aims to create a buffer zone to prevent missile attacks, but other objectives seem paramount: to draw Russian forces from the front lines, seize a bargaining chip for future negotiations, embarrass the Kremlin, and boost Ukrainian morale while heartening its Western backers.

The Kursk attacks are more akin to border raids than a genuine offensive campaign. As with Ukrainian missile attacks on Russian naval forces in the Black Sea or targets inside Russia, the raid serves to harass Russian forces and distract them from their main objective. But it cannot substitute for the combat power needed to exploit a breakthrough in Russia’s front lines — combat power that Kyiv does not possess and seems unable to generate.

So far, Russia does not seem to have drawn significant forces from the front lines, though the army has reportedly moved some. Russian commanders may prefer to keep up pressure there and let reserve forces labor to reverse the incursion, expecting that logistical burdens will make it harder to maintain. What’s more, with Russia concentrating airpower on stopping Ukraine’s forces, and the heavier losses troops on offensive tend to suffer versus defenders, Ukraine may be sacrificing manpower it increasingly needs for defense. But it’s also worth noting that as Ukraine grabs territory in Russia, Russia is making steady and more consequential progress inside Ukraine.

Gaining leverage to negotiate over territory is also a worthwhile objective, but no leverage is gained unless Ukrainian forces hold the territory they have seized or can attrit a lot more Russian forces than they themselves lose. At the moment, neither seems likely.

Likewise, any boost to Ukraine’s morale and its Western support from the Kursk offensive will be lost if the territory is. And while Russian leaders may be embarrassed, it is far too early to assume that this will undermine support for Vladimir Putin or the war. Indeed, it may ultimately anger and motivate Russians more than it demoralizes them, as often happens with direct attacks on enemies’ territory.

So far, any negotiating leverage Ukraine may gain by seizing Russian land seems less relevant than its negative effect in hardening the enemy’s position. The Kremlin reportedly canceled negotiations with Ukraine around limiting attacks on energy facilities because of the Kursk incursion, though Russian leaders deny it. Had those talks occurred, they might have provided the eventual basis for a full ceasefire.

Another potential cost of the incursion is Russian escalation, which could mean nuclear attacks, or attacks against US interests. While such concerns should not be ignored, the risk of escalation seems limited so far, mainly due to the relative military insignificance of the territory gained. Other Ukrainian actions, especially recent attacks on Russian early warning radar systems, raise more acute concerns than a conventional border incursion far from Russia’s strategic core.

The Kursk incursion also underlines Russia’s weakness. The fact that the country’s forces have not been able to reestablish control over their own territory for weeks should drive home the point that Russia is hardly, as many commentators claim, poised to invade the European industrial heartland and establish hegemony on the continent. In this war, Russia has suffered serial embarrassment at the hands of a foe far weaker than NATO — the failure of the initial Russian assault on Kyiv, the sinking of the Moskva, and Yevgeny Prigozhin’s bizarre aborted mutiny, to name just a few.

So from this raid we see once again that Ukraine is desperate and Russia is surprisingly weak. This is the toxic combination that helped bring about the war in the first place and that may raise the odds of escalation as the conflict continues. That Ukraine seeks to gain some bargaining leverage via its bold raid is perhaps a heartening sign that Kyiv is eschewing its maximal goals of retaking all its lost territory and is instead preparing for negotiations. In our view, this would best be pursued not by gambles like Kursk, but instead by consolidating its frontline defenses.

If Russia refuses to negotiate and continues to throw its forces at the front, they will be swimming upstream against a defense-dominant environment that Ukraine can harness to its own benefit. The United States should be encouraging Kyiv to take this course, rather than symbolic coups de main.


Christopher McCallion is a fellow and Benjamin H. Friedman is policy director at Defense Priorities.

BH_Friedman

China is threatening America in the AI race

Reports sugget Zhipu AI  has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

Reports sugget Zhipu AI has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

July 1 2026 - 10:18am

China is trying to catch up with America on artificial intelligence. The Wall Street Journal has reported that Zhipu AI — one of China’s six “AI tiger” LLMs — has released a new model that can rival leading US systems, including Anthropic’s Mythos, in cybersecurity tasks such as pinpointing security bugs. While this marks a milestone in China’s drive to catch up with Western AI capabilities, strong performance on a single benchmark does not mean it has taken the lead. Chinese models still lag behind their Western counterparts in broader capabilities, such as autonomous operation. Skepticism is therefore warranted before resorting to hysterical conclusions, but complacency about the geopolitical implications of China’s AI advances would be an even greater mistake.

On the infrastructure side, Chinese AI is still constrained by access to advanced chips, with American labs way ahead in computing capacity as well as investment. Analysis from earlier this year suggests that Chinese models are likely to be at least a few months behind those in the US. But they are still continuing to make progress, or that the geopolitical importance of AI will be decided only by whose LLM has ventured deeper into the technological frontier. The practical applications of AI, countries’ to capture foreign markets, and the application of AI into the real economy will matter just as much.

Here, China may hold an advantage. As with its dominance across many critical supply chains, Beijing may not need to produce the most advanced AI systems — only those that are affordable and widely deployable. In doing so, it could consolidate global influence by supplying functional, low-cost AI at scale.

Beijing seems to be pursuing exactly that path, developing an AI “open-source” strategy that offers affordable, widely available AI models for companies and individuals to use and modify as they wish. The production of the DeepSeek AI model, which matched the performance of Silicon Valley tools such as ChatGPT at a fraction of the cost for users, created goodwill among Chinese models with developers.

The four most popular models on OpenRouter, an AI hardware platform for developers, are now all Chinese. The goal for China is not only to win the frontier-model race, but to make its systems the default layer of AI adoption across industries and global markets. For most economies, the choice is increasingly between an affordable tool they can deploy now and a more robust one that may be out of reach.

And while the countries adopting Chinese models may be exposed to political pressure and cyber threats from Beijing, safer and more capable alternatives matter little if they are unaffordable. American AI companies are already under pressure to monetize products whose operating costs are rising. If Chinese open-source models become the cheap default for startups, universities, governments and businesses across the developing world, then America’s AI lead will be eroded from below.

Perhaps more concerning for America in the long run is how AI can give Chinese manufacturing even more strength, through the ongoing integration of AI as a general-purpose technology. China’s new Five-Year Plan mentioned AI more than 50 times and includes an “AI+” action plan aimed at spreading AI across the economy.

Beijing has been pioneering automation of its critical infrastructure for years, with promising recent results in increasing warplane production capacity. In that regard, China’s open-model strategy and manufacturing dominance will reinforce each other. Cheap, adaptable models accelerate deployment across the real economy while those deployments generate real-world data and use cases that can feed back into further model improvement.

The United States should not dismiss the importance of its lead in the AI race. That lead worries Beijing, not least because a more automated Chinese economy would also become more vulnerable to AI-generated cyber threats. But nor should Washington assume that China cannot catch up with American capabilities over time.

This AI competition represents part of a broader struggle over tech supply chains and geopolitical influence. Decisions over whether to adopt US or Chinese models could produce a more fragmented global reality, with different regions relying on different cloud providers, chips and security structures. The result will likely be a global economy which is divided into competing spheres, rather than one which produces a single winner.


Miquel Vila is a political and geopolitical risk consultant focusing on industrial strategy, critical infrastructure and global supply chains.

miquelvilam