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Will Gavin Newsom fold on California trans schools law?

The California Governor may be slapped down by the new administration. Credit: Getty

The California Governor may be slapped down by the new administration. Credit: Getty

March 28 2025 - 6:30pm

Since the launch of his new podcast, California Governor Gavin Newsom has been willing to break from the party line on at least some trans issues. In one episode this month, he highlighted the unfairness of biological males competing against females in sports. In 2023, he vetoed a law that would have elevated a parent’s willingness to “affirm” a child’s gender identity over other concerns in custody cases.

Last year, though, Newsom signed AB1955, the Support Academic Futures and Educators for Today’s Youth, or SAFETY Act. The bill, which went into effect on January 1, restricts educational policies that require disclosure of “a pupil’s sexual orientation, gender identity, or gender expression” to their own parents. “Studies confirm that LGBTQ+ youth thrive when they have parental support and feel safe sharing their full identities with them,” the bill reads, “but it can be harmful to force young people to share their full identities before they are ready.”

Institutional withholding of a child’s gender identity from parents has become a deeply contentious issue, and the subject of multiple lawsuits. Now, the Trump administration is testing Newsom’s supposed independence. On Thursday, the apparently not-yet-dismantled Department of Education launched an investigation into AB1955.

Trump’s team alleges that such policies violate the Family Educational Rights Privacy Act, or FERPA. Often, supporters of what some call “parental preclusion policies” cite FERPA as proof that students have a right to privacy from their parents. Others, though, insist the point of FERPA is for adults to protect their children’s privacy from others. “Teachers and school counselors should not be in the business of advising minors entrusted to their care on consequential decisions about their sexual identity and mental health,” Secretary of Education Linda McMahon wrote in a statement. “That responsibility and privilege lies with a parent or trusted loved one.”

The problem is that many young people don’t trust their parents or loved ones when it comes to gender identity. As they learned that they each have an innate gender identity which might not match their body — and that it’s the body that must be changed — they also learned that parents who didn’t affirm that identity were “harming” them. Their unaffirming parents were “unsafe”.

Most likely, this is because the meanings of those words changed. Psychologist Nick Haslam’s 2016 paper “Concept Creep: Psychology’s Expanding Concepts of Harm and Pathology” details how definitions of words such as safety and harm expanded in the 2010s to include “less severe and debilitating” experiences — like being “misgendered” or “deadnamed”. Eventually, clinicians crept the concept of harm into the suggestion that withholding adolescent sex changes was a form of child abuse.

Yet social transition itself — changing one’s name, pronouns, or social category to live as the opposite or neither sex — is a contested intervention. The authors of a 2021 study noted: “claims that gender affirmation through transitioning socially is beneficial for children with [gender dysphoria] could not be supported.” What did matter was “individual social support provided by peers and family”.

The idea that parents who don’t affirm their children’s gender identities are harmful is a misinterpretation of the Family Acceptance Project’s research, which suggests a connection between rejecting behaviors on the part of parents and later mental health problems among the kids. Nowhere does it say that parents should be kept in the dark. Support and affirmation, however, are not synonymous. Support can mean assuring kids that even parents who disagree can love them.

Of course, school employees are mandated reporters; if there really is abuse, they must do something about it. But parents having different definitions of gender identity and different ideas about how to support their kids is not officially a reason to withhold personal information.

Trump’s investigation accuses California schools of “violating FERPA to socially transition children at school while hiding minors’ ‘gender identity’ from parents”. That is no doubt happening, and schools are stepping into murky territory when they essentially engage in a psychological intervention without parental knowledge or consent. Even Erica Anderson, a trans woman and psychologist who has treated hundreds of gender dysphoric young people, agrees that this is not the role of schools. In a brief about parental preclusion policies in another state, she wrote that “a transition is a major event in a youth’s life, and parents must be involved”.

The investigation insists that state laws don’t override federal laws — that AB1955 is not more powerful than FERPA. Likely, as with so much else Trump has attempted in regard to trans issues, we’ll only find out which has more staying power after it lands in court.


Lisa Selin Davis is the author of Tomboy. She writes at Broadview on Substack.

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China is threatening America in the AI race

Reports sugget Zhipu AI  has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

Reports sugget Zhipu AI has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

July 1 2026 - 10:18am

China is trying to catch up with America on artificial intelligence. The Wall Street Journal has reported that Zhipu AI — one of China’s six “AI tiger” LLMs — has released a new model that can rival leading US systems, including Anthropic’s Mythos, in cybersecurity tasks such as pinpointing security bugs. While this marks a milestone in China’s drive to catch up with Western AI capabilities, strong performance on a single benchmark does not mean it has taken the lead. Chinese models still lag behind their Western counterparts in broader capabilities, such as autonomous operation. Skepticism is therefore warranted before resorting to hysterical conclusions, but complacency about the geopolitical implications of China’s AI advances would be an even greater mistake.

On the infrastructure side, Chinese AI is still constrained by access to advanced chips, with American labs way ahead in computing capacity as well as investment. Analysis from earlier this year suggests that Chinese models are likely to be at least a few months behind those in the US. But they are still continuing to make progress, or that the geopolitical importance of AI will be decided only by whose LLM has ventured deeper into the technological frontier. The practical applications of AI, countries’ to capture foreign markets, and the application of AI into the real economy will matter just as much.

Here, China may hold an advantage. As with its dominance across many critical supply chains, Beijing may not need to produce the most advanced AI systems — only those that are affordable and widely deployable. In doing so, it could consolidate global influence by supplying functional, low-cost AI at scale.

Beijing seems to be pursuing exactly that path, developing an AI “open-source” strategy that offers affordable, widely available AI models for companies and individuals to use and modify as they wish. The production of the DeepSeek AI model, which matched the performance of Silicon Valley tools such as ChatGPT at a fraction of the cost for users, created goodwill among Chinese models with developers.

The four most popular models on OpenRouter, an AI hardware platform for developers, are now all Chinese. The goal for China is not only to win the frontier-model race, but to make its systems the default layer of AI adoption across industries and global markets. For most economies, the choice is increasingly between an affordable tool they can deploy now and a more robust one that may be out of reach.

And while the countries adopting Chinese models may be exposed to political pressure and cyber threats from Beijing, safer and more capable alternatives matter little if they are unaffordable. American AI companies are already under pressure to monetize products whose operating costs are rising. If Chinese open-source models become the cheap default for startups, universities, governments and businesses across the developing world, then America’s AI lead will be eroded from below.

Perhaps more concerning for America in the long run is how AI can give Chinese manufacturing even more strength, through the ongoing integration of AI as a general-purpose technology. China’s new Five-Year Plan mentioned AI more than 50 times and includes an “AI+” action plan aimed at spreading AI across the economy.

Beijing has been pioneering automation of its critical infrastructure for years, with promising recent results in increasing warplane production capacity. In that regard, China’s open-model strategy and manufacturing dominance will reinforce each other. Cheap, adaptable models accelerate deployment across the real economy while those deployments generate real-world data and use cases that can feed back into further model improvement.

The United States should not dismiss the importance of its lead in the AI race. That lead worries Beijing, not least because a more automated Chinese economy would also become more vulnerable to AI-generated cyber threats. But nor should Washington assume that China cannot catch up with American capabilities over time.

This AI competition represents part of a broader struggle over tech supply chains and geopolitical influence. Decisions over whether to adopt US or Chinese models could produce a more fragmented global reality, with different regions relying on different cloud providers, chips and security structures. The result will likely be a global economy which is divided into competing spheres, rather than one which produces a single winner.


Miquel Vila is a political and geopolitical risk consultant focusing on industrial strategy, critical infrastructure and global supply chains.

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