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Trump’s USAID revolution is America First in action

How far does the regime change go? Credit: Getty

How far does the regime change go? Credit: Getty

February 3 2025 - 11:10am

Heavy howitzer fire continues in the American Blob, as the Trump administration’s DOGE team has set about regime-changing the United States Agency for International Development, or USAID. Following a day-one executive order temporarily freezing all US international aid pending a review to ensure it was consistent with the President’s “America First” policy, CNN has reported that top security officials at the agency have been put on administrative leave after refusing to comply with DOGE requests for information. At the time of writing, USAID’s website remains down.

Elon Musk has been combative in his statements, posting on X yesterday that USAID is “a criminal organization”. Trump left slightly more room for maneuver, telling Fox News that USAID is “run by radical lunatics” and that “we’re getting them out, and then we’ll make a decision.”

It’s difficult to overstate how revolutionary this is. The United States provides some 40% of the world’s humanitarian assistance, and with an annual budget of over $50 billion USAID is one of the biggest development agencies in the world. Founded by John F. Kennedy in 1961, it was intended to follow in the footsteps of the Marshall Plan by using aid to advance US foreign policy interests. It employs around 15,000 people in Washington, DC, with thousands more overseas and a great many more indirectly via grant funding.

USAID has long been criticized by the international radical Left as “a tool of U.S. capitalist and imperialist interests”. These critics claim its purpose isn’t helping foreign states on their own terms, but instead creating opportunities for American businesses, as well as funding NGOs that foment political unrest abroad in line with US interests. Russia expelled USAID in 2012, blaming its “attempts to influence political processes through its grants”. And China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs accuses US international development practice of “using aid as a bargaining chip” to compel political and economic changes overseas in America’s interest.

El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, a Trump ally, echoed this critique yesterday. He declared that most governments don’t want USAID money flowing into their country because while “marketed as support for development, democracy, and human rights”, most of the money received is “funneled into opposition groups, NGOs with political agendas, and destabilizing movements”.

Much Western reporting on the freeze focused on famine relief and other humanitarian projects. However, some reports tacitly acknowledged the aspect of USAID critiqued by Bukele and others. In Moldova, for example, ABC reported that “pro-democracy groups, independent media, civil society initiatives and local governments” are now “scrambling to make ends meet”. In other words: liberal political activists funded by American “development” money have been abruptly exposed.

It seems, then, that Trump is now doing within USAID what USAID-funded groups do abroad: using politically aligned funding and personnel changes to transform the body’s overall political orientation. But why would the “America First” President be at war with a body which critics accuse of always prioritizing the US?

Really, Trump is regime-changing USAID in response to profound intra-elite domestic disagreement over what it means to put America first. USAID has hitherto operated on a broadly shared consensus in this respect: open markets, business-friendly regulations, and democratic regimes. In other words: the America-led globalization that has formed the backdrop to all of international politics and economics since the end of the Cold War. Now, though, this program is being contested not just outside “the West” but within it. It’s not yet entirely clear what “America First” will mean in practice, but Trump has evidently concluded that unless he radically reforms America’s principal vehicle for overseas soft power, it won’t mean anything at all.

It’s a reasonable bet that, notwithstanding Musk’s declaration that it’s “time for it to die”, USAID — or at least something broadly resembling it — will survive the 90-day freeze and personnel shake-up. “The smiling face of imperialism” is surely too potent a tool to discard entirely. But if Trump’s internal color revolution succeeds, the values and people that order this institution will surely march to a different drum for much longer than the next four years.

There is a lesson here for the British Right. The recently-departed Tory regime whined endlessly about “the Blob”, without ever so much as lifting a finger to change any of its entrenched personnel, institutions, or regulatory structures. Any prospective Right-wing administration in Britain should be studying the Trumpian approach to regime change closely, and working on equivalent plans.


Mary Harrington is a contributing editor at UnHerd.

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China is threatening America in the AI race

Reports sugget Zhipu AI  has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

Reports sugget Zhipu AI has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

July 1 2026 - 10:18am

China is trying to catch up with America on artificial intelligence. The Wall Street Journal has reported that Zhipu AI — one of China’s six “AI tiger” LLMs — has released a new model that can rival leading US systems, including Anthropic’s Mythos, in cybersecurity tasks such as pinpointing security bugs. While this marks a milestone in China’s drive to catch up with Western AI capabilities, strong performance on a single benchmark does not mean it has taken the lead. Chinese models still lag behind their Western counterparts in broader capabilities, such as autonomous operation. Skepticism is therefore warranted before resorting to hysterical conclusions, but complacency about the geopolitical implications of China’s AI advances would be an even greater mistake.

On the infrastructure side, Chinese AI is still constrained by access to advanced chips, with American labs way ahead in computing capacity as well as investment. Analysis from earlier this year suggests that Chinese models are likely to be at least a few months behind those in the US. But they are still continuing to make progress, or that the geopolitical importance of AI will be decided only by whose LLM has ventured deeper into the technological frontier. The practical applications of AI, countries’ to capture foreign markets, and the application of AI into the real economy will matter just as much.

Here, China may hold an advantage. As with its dominance across many critical supply chains, Beijing may not need to produce the most advanced AI systems — only those that are affordable and widely deployable. In doing so, it could consolidate global influence by supplying functional, low-cost AI at scale.

Beijing seems to be pursuing exactly that path, developing an AI “open-source” strategy that offers affordable, widely available AI models for companies and individuals to use and modify as they wish. The production of the DeepSeek AI model, which matched the performance of Silicon Valley tools such as ChatGPT at a fraction of the cost for users, created goodwill among Chinese models with developers.

The four most popular models on OpenRouter, an AI hardware platform for developers, are now all Chinese. The goal for China is not only to win the frontier-model race, but to make its systems the default layer of AI adoption across industries and global markets. For most economies, the choice is increasingly between an affordable tool they can deploy now and a more robust one that may be out of reach.

And while the countries adopting Chinese models may be exposed to political pressure and cyber threats from Beijing, safer and more capable alternatives matter little if they are unaffordable. American AI companies are already under pressure to monetize products whose operating costs are rising. If Chinese open-source models become the cheap default for startups, universities, governments and businesses across the developing world, then America’s AI lead will be eroded from below.

Perhaps more concerning for America in the long run is how AI can give Chinese manufacturing even more strength, through the ongoing integration of AI as a general-purpose technology. China’s new Five-Year Plan mentioned AI more than 50 times and includes an “AI+” action plan aimed at spreading AI across the economy.

Beijing has been pioneering automation of its critical infrastructure for years, with promising recent results in increasing warplane production capacity. In that regard, China’s open-model strategy and manufacturing dominance will reinforce each other. Cheap, adaptable models accelerate deployment across the real economy while those deployments generate real-world data and use cases that can feed back into further model improvement.

The United States should not dismiss the importance of its lead in the AI race. That lead worries Beijing, not least because a more automated Chinese economy would also become more vulnerable to AI-generated cyber threats. But nor should Washington assume that China cannot catch up with American capabilities over time.

This AI competition represents part of a broader struggle over tech supply chains and geopolitical influence. Decisions over whether to adopt US or Chinese models could produce a more fragmented global reality, with different regions relying on different cloud providers, chips and security structures. The result will likely be a global economy which is divided into competing spheres, rather than one which produces a single winner.


Miquel Vila is a political and geopolitical risk consultant focusing on industrial strategy, critical infrastructure and global supply chains.

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