September 21, 2024 - 5:00pm

By far the biggest danger for a minor political party is that it gets ignored by the media.

If that happens, then gaining electoral traction becomes impossible and a downward spiral ensues. Hence, for example, the transformation of Lib Dem leader Ed Davey into a watersports Teletubby — at least we now remember he is there.

On this basis the Reform party conference in Birmingham must be judged a relative success.  There was major coverage of Nigel Farage claiming to have given up control of the party organisation via changes in its ownership structure; Farage saying he has been advised not to hold in-person surgeries in his Clacton constituency; and Farage saying he is setting off on a mission to become PM at the next election. From all this we may conclude that he is a story machine — and he did not even have to get his feet wet.

His speech contained an obligatory Keir Starmer freebie joke, as well as more serious messages about professionalising the party. This was no doubt in response to the outspoken criticism from former deputy leader Ben Habib, who said last month, “I have long held concerns about the control of the party and the decision-making processes.”

Theoretically, Farage can now be challenged for the leadership if half the 80,000 members write to the chairman demanding a confidence vote. The same 50% trigger will apply to the parliamentary party once Reform has at least 100 MPs. But really, if Reform gets to 100 MPs then on what basis would anyone wish to replace the leader anyway?

The biggest weakness in the Reform offer by far concerns its slapdash approach to policy formation. An insurgency can get away with that when it is small fry, but once its ambitions are raised the lack of stress-tested policy can unravel everything very quickly.

In its last manifesto, the party alighted on the crackpot idea of exempting NHS workers from paying any basic rate income tax. Oddly, the “stop the boats” policy was also full of holes. Farage abandoned plans for offshore reception centres and everything was left depending on the idea of taking boats back to France. Reform claimed this would be legal under the UN Law Of the Sea. BBC Verify has just conclusively demonstrated that it would not be. And in any case, even if France did allow British vessels to dock in its ports to unload Channel migrants, the likelihood is that it would then impound such vessels. Within days the UK would have no Border Force or RNLI vessels left, meaning that it would have to go begging the authorities in France for their return.

Rather than seeking to build a utopian internal party democracy, most Reform members and supporters will have their eyes fixed on further electoral success. Allowing Farage to continue driving the agenda with only a fig leaf of internal accountability will hardly be a deal breaker. Is he worth it? Usually yes.

Next year’s local elections seem certain to take place in the context of our Labour government being crushingly unpopular while the Tories continue to languish. Anderson boasted that Reform will pick up hundreds of council seats, giving it the kind of local government base that once underpinned UKIP’s grassroots machine. That has every chance of coming true.

Aided for the first time by a domestic parliamentary pulpit, Farage believes Reform can top the polls. The Conservative monopoly over Right-of-centre representation in the Commons is over. From now on it is just a question of market share.


Patrick O’Flynn is a former MEP and political editor of the Daily Express.

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