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King of the Hill reboot is ill-suited to the Trump age

Can cartoons mend America's fractured politics? Credit: Disney

Can cartoons mend America's fractured politics? Credit: Disney

August 6 2025 - 1:00pm

For years, an oddly persistent question floated around the internet: would Hank Hill have voted for Donald Trump?

The discourse around the politics of King of the Hill’s animated protagonist buzzed for many years after Fox cancelled the long-running animated sitcom in 2009. It grew during the heightened cultural wars of the post-Obama era, when everyone felt it was a moral imperative to render a verdict on whether every piece of pop culture ephemera — past or present — fit within a narrow partisan outlook. Was a TV show or movie good or bad, Red or Blue, problematic or based? Americans were eager to retrofit Hank as MAGA: according to a YouGov poll last year, he would be more likely to back Trump than any other fictional character except All in the Family’s Archie Bunker.

But the creators of the new 10-episode Hulu King of the Hill revival aren’t so sure. The show ducks the question without entirely avoiding it. In an early episode, Hank is confronted by Dale Gribble, his old friend group’s resident conspiracy theorist, who speculates about George W. Bush’s Deep State ties while visiting W’s presidential library. In response, Hank calmly provides a mundane fact about Bush and quips: “See, facts can be fun.” It’s a quiet moment that says more than it lets on: in 2025, Hank appears to be a rules-and-norms-loving Never Trump Republican, the kind who might read The Bulwark or retweet The Lincoln Project.

In many ways, it’s oddly comforting that King of the Hill has returned from a long hiatus. It was one of the few mainstream shows which managed to appeal to both Red and Blue America, at a time in the Nineties when people were less obsessed with that metaphor. It followed the mundane adventures of Hank, a middle-aged man with a flat top and a flat emotional register, living in the fictional town of Arlen, Texas, where political differences were handled with quiet passive aggression and cold beers.

The new season brings back many of the familiar characters — Hank, Peggy, Bobby, Dale, Boomhauer — now older, wiser, and unmistakably post-2020. The elder Hills have spent much of the last decade in Saudi Arabia of all places, where Hank worked for energy company Aramco, before returning to the Lone Star State to retire. Hank’s son Bobby is no longer an awkward preteen but a 21-year-old chef of a restaurant he describes as “a traditional Japanese barbecue with a fusion of flavors and techniques from the German traditions of the Texas Hill Country.”

It’s a set-up that allows the show to reflect on how the surrounding world has changed since we last glimpsed these characters: Covid is referenced, as are culture-war touchstones such as gender-neutral bathrooms and cancel culture. While Hank bristles at craft beer and bike lanes, he also learns about, for example, the cultural appropriation of Girl Scout cookies. The problem is that these aren’t jokes — they’re gestures. The plot lines aren’t exactly bad, but they feel too engineered to mean anything. You can see the sweat from where the show is straining to bridge America’s political divide.

The new King of the Hill means well. But the harder it tries to bring us together, the less funny it becomes.


Ryan Zickgraf is a columnist for UnHerd, based in Pennsylvania.

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China is threatening America in the AI race

Reports sugget Zhipu AI  has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

Reports sugget Zhipu AI has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

July 1 2026 - 10:18am

China is trying to catch up with America on artificial intelligence. The Wall Street Journal has reported that Zhipu AI — one of China’s six “AI tiger” LLMs — has released a new model that can rival leading US systems, including Anthropic’s Mythos, in cybersecurity tasks such as pinpointing security bugs. While this marks a milestone in China’s drive to catch up with Western AI capabilities, strong performance on a single benchmark does not mean it has taken the lead. Chinese models still lag behind their Western counterparts in broader capabilities, such as autonomous operation. Skepticism is therefore warranted before resorting to hysterical conclusions, but complacency about the geopolitical implications of China’s AI advances would be an even greater mistake.

On the infrastructure side, Chinese AI is still constrained by access to advanced chips, with American labs way ahead in computing capacity as well as investment. Analysis from earlier this year suggests that Chinese models are likely to be at least a few months behind those in the US. But they are still continuing to make progress, or that the geopolitical importance of AI will be decided only by whose LLM has ventured deeper into the technological frontier. The practical applications of AI, countries’ to capture foreign markets, and the application of AI into the real economy will matter just as much.

Here, China may hold an advantage. As with its dominance across many critical supply chains, Beijing may not need to produce the most advanced AI systems — only those that are affordable and widely deployable. In doing so, it could consolidate global influence by supplying functional, low-cost AI at scale.

Beijing seems to be pursuing exactly that path, developing an AI “open-source” strategy that offers affordable, widely available AI models for companies and individuals to use and modify as they wish. The production of the DeepSeek AI model, which matched the performance of Silicon Valley tools such as ChatGPT at a fraction of the cost for users, created goodwill among Chinese models with developers.

The four most popular models on OpenRouter, an AI hardware platform for developers, are now all Chinese. The goal for China is not only to win the frontier-model race, but to make its systems the default layer of AI adoption across industries and global markets. For most economies, the choice is increasingly between an affordable tool they can deploy now and a more robust one that may be out of reach.

And while the countries adopting Chinese models may be exposed to political pressure and cyber threats from Beijing, safer and more capable alternatives matter little if they are unaffordable. American AI companies are already under pressure to monetize products whose operating costs are rising. If Chinese open-source models become the cheap default for startups, universities, governments and businesses across the developing world, then America’s AI lead will be eroded from below.

Perhaps more concerning for America in the long run is how AI can give Chinese manufacturing even more strength, through the ongoing integration of AI as a general-purpose technology. China’s new Five-Year Plan mentioned AI more than 50 times and includes an “AI+” action plan aimed at spreading AI across the economy.

Beijing has been pioneering automation of its critical infrastructure for years, with promising recent results in increasing warplane production capacity. In that regard, China’s open-model strategy and manufacturing dominance will reinforce each other. Cheap, adaptable models accelerate deployment across the real economy while those deployments generate real-world data and use cases that can feed back into further model improvement.

The United States should not dismiss the importance of its lead in the AI race. That lead worries Beijing, not least because a more automated Chinese economy would also become more vulnerable to AI-generated cyber threats. But nor should Washington assume that China cannot catch up with American capabilities over time.

This AI competition represents part of a broader struggle over tech supply chains and geopolitical influence. Decisions over whether to adopt US or Chinese models could produce a more fragmented global reality, with different regions relying on different cloud providers, chips and security structures. The result will likely be a global economy which is divided into competing spheres, rather than one which produces a single winner.


Miquel Vila is a political and geopolitical risk consultant focusing on industrial strategy, critical infrastructure and global supply chains.

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