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Jordan Peterson is wrong about internet anons

Jordan Peterson appears on Fox News this week. Credit: Getty

Jordan Peterson appears on Fox News this week. Credit: Getty

April 24 2025 - 7:00pm

Few public intellectuals have turned psychology into a shield against criticism as ruthlessly as Jordan Peterson. When the Canadian author appeared on Sean Hannity’s Fox show this week, he offered a clinical diagnosis of his online critics: these people — many of whom share their views anonymously — aren’t making claims worthy of debate or even wrong, in Peterson’s view, but instead suffer from serious personality disorders.

Peterson, one of several co-authors of a Network Contagion Research Institute report on “how online extremists hijacked ‘Christ Is King’”, has long been critical of online anonymity. The NCRI report addresses anonymous accounts alongside named figures such as commentator Candace Owens and far-Right activist Nick Fuentes, grouping them together as antisemitic “extremists” and “conspiracy mongers”.

This approach mirrors Peterson’s 2022 campaign against anonymous social media users, when he argued that platforms were “enabling sadistic Machiavellian psychopaths and narcissists” by failing to identify “anonymous cowardly troll demons”. In 2023, when Elon Musk defended anonymous users’ right to express controversial views, Peterson insisted that anonymity primarily serves “Dark Tetrad [personality] types” rather than legitimate discourse. His current focus on depicting the targets of the NCRI report as “psychopathic narcissistic types” and “religious pretenders” represents the culmination of this crusade, effectively dismissing opponents by framing them as having psychological disorders rather than being serious critics worthy of engagement.

Recasting ideological disagreement as psychological pathology is a well-established pattern for Peterson. When appearing on Joe Rogan’s podcast earlier this week, the psychologist expanded his diagnosis to what some have labelled the “woke Right” — a group he frames not as political actors but “psychopathic types” exploiting conservatism for personal gain. Interestingly, this echoes Peterson’s critiques of the Left. He has characterised transgender activism as being rooted in mental disorder, and has described gender-affirming care as “Nazi medical experiment-level wrong”.

The NCRI report focuses mainly on pathological conflicts within the Right, accusing public figures including Owens and Fuentes of co-opting religious language for extremist purposes. Yet Peterson’s broad application of psychological diagnosis to anonymous critics misses substantive critiques of his own positions. Transgender activists such as Lane Patriquin have directly argued against Peterson that “isolation, discrimination, familial rejection, and compounded forms of oppression” are the real causes of trans suffering, not inherent mental illness. Peterson never meaningfully engaged with this argument, instead consistently framing gender identity issues as manifestations of psychological dysfunction that he, with his clinical expertise, is uniquely positioned to diagnose.

This credentialism enables Peterson to avoid substantively debating opposing claims. What’s more, his dismissive approach threatens the very anonymity that enables such critiques in the first place. While the NCRI report singles out high-profile anonymous accounts like “trad_west_” and “CensoredMen”, the vast majority of anonymous internet users aren’t influencers but ordinary people who benefit from protection from professional repercussions when critiquing powerful figures. Surely Peterson, who himself found fame when he was targeted for taking a stand against the overreaching human rights-oriented Bill C16 in Canada, understands that some genuinely require online anonymity.

Medical and psychological establishments have long recognized the danger of such armchair diagnoses. After psychiatrists publicly questioned Barry Goldwater’s mental fitness during his 1964 presidential campaign, the American Psychiatric Association created the “Goldwater Rule”, formally discouraging doctors from offering public diagnoses of people they haven’t examined. As social psychologist Jonathan Haidt has documented, extremely conservative viewpoints are frequently dismissed in academic settings not as valid intellectual positions but as evidence of flawed thinking or moral failings. Yet Peterson’s psychological pathologizing of both transgender activists and now the “woke Right” mirrors exactly the thing he’s long criticized within academic departments.

This isn’t to suggest all criticism is valid or all critics well-intentioned. Bad-faith actors exist online in considerable numbers. But Peterson’s apparent solution creates a circular logic where criticism becomes evidence of the critic’s pathology, which in turn validates dismissing the argument. This temptation has proven irresistible even to those who, like Peterson, ostensibly built their reputations championing reasoned debate.


Oliver Bateman is a historian and journalist based in Pittsburgh. He blogs, vlogs, and podcasts at his Substack, Oliver Bateman Does the Work

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China is threatening America in the AI race

Reports sugget Zhipu AI  has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

Reports sugget Zhipu AI has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

July 1 2026 - 10:18am

China is trying to catch up with America on artificial intelligence. The Wall Street Journal has reported that Zhipu AI — one of China’s six “AI tiger” LLMs — has released a new model that can rival leading US systems, including Anthropic’s Mythos, in cybersecurity tasks such as pinpointing security bugs. While this marks a milestone in China’s drive to catch up with Western AI capabilities, strong performance on a single benchmark does not mean it has taken the lead. Chinese models still lag behind their Western counterparts in broader capabilities, such as autonomous operation. Skepticism is therefore warranted before resorting to hysterical conclusions, but complacency about the geopolitical implications of China’s AI advances would be an even greater mistake.

On the infrastructure side, Chinese AI is still constrained by access to advanced chips, with American labs way ahead in computing capacity as well as investment. Analysis from earlier this year suggests that Chinese models are likely to be at least a few months behind those in the US. But they are still continuing to make progress, or that the geopolitical importance of AI will be decided only by whose LLM has ventured deeper into the technological frontier. The practical applications of AI, countries’ to capture foreign markets, and the application of AI into the real economy will matter just as much.

Here, China may hold an advantage. As with its dominance across many critical supply chains, Beijing may not need to produce the most advanced AI systems — only those that are affordable and widely deployable. In doing so, it could consolidate global influence by supplying functional, low-cost AI at scale.

Beijing seems to be pursuing exactly that path, developing an AI “open-source” strategy that offers affordable, widely available AI models for companies and individuals to use and modify as they wish. The production of the DeepSeek AI model, which matched the performance of Silicon Valley tools such as ChatGPT at a fraction of the cost for users, created goodwill among Chinese models with developers.

The four most popular models on OpenRouter, an AI hardware platform for developers, are now all Chinese. The goal for China is not only to win the frontier-model race, but to make its systems the default layer of AI adoption across industries and global markets. For most economies, the choice is increasingly between an affordable tool they can deploy now and a more robust one that may be out of reach.

And while the countries adopting Chinese models may be exposed to political pressure and cyber threats from Beijing, safer and more capable alternatives matter little if they are unaffordable. American AI companies are already under pressure to monetize products whose operating costs are rising. If Chinese open-source models become the cheap default for startups, universities, governments and businesses across the developing world, then America’s AI lead will be eroded from below.

Perhaps more concerning for America in the long run is how AI can give Chinese manufacturing even more strength, through the ongoing integration of AI as a general-purpose technology. China’s new Five-Year Plan mentioned AI more than 50 times and includes an “AI+” action plan aimed at spreading AI across the economy.

Beijing has been pioneering automation of its critical infrastructure for years, with promising recent results in increasing warplane production capacity. In that regard, China’s open-model strategy and manufacturing dominance will reinforce each other. Cheap, adaptable models accelerate deployment across the real economy while those deployments generate real-world data and use cases that can feed back into further model improvement.

The United States should not dismiss the importance of its lead in the AI race. That lead worries Beijing, not least because a more automated Chinese economy would also become more vulnerable to AI-generated cyber threats. But nor should Washington assume that China cannot catch up with American capabilities over time.

This AI competition represents part of a broader struggle over tech supply chains and geopolitical influence. Decisions over whether to adopt US or Chinese models could produce a more fragmented global reality, with different regions relying on different cloud providers, chips and security structures. The result will likely be a global economy which is divided into competing spheres, rather than one which produces a single winner.


Miquel Vila is a political and geopolitical risk consultant focusing on industrial strategy, critical infrastructure and global supply chains.

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