May 5, 2024 - 1:00pm

After 100 pro-Palestine protesters were arrested at UCLA, President Joe Biden broke his silence of several days and addressed the chaos engulfing US university campuses. A sign of the generational divide in Americans’ views on Israel, university campuses have been the sites of demonstrations, encampments, and occupations, as students call on their institutions to end relationships with Israeli universities and on the US government to pressure its ally to cease its military campaign in Gaza.

Over the past few days, many comparisons have been made to the anti-Vietnam War protests of the Sixties and Seventies which engulfed university campuses — the latest proponent being Bernie Sanders. In April 1968, the New York Police Department dressed in riot gear and stormed Columbia University’s Hamilton Hall, making use of underground tunnels. That same year, protesters declared that Columbia would be henceforth known as “Malcolm X University”. In 2024 Hamilton Hall has been renamed “Hind’s Hall” by protesters, in memory of a six-year-old girl killed in Gaza in January.

Biden is one of the few people in American public life who was around for both sets of protests, both times as a sceptical onlooker rather than an enthusiastic supporter. In April 1968, he was a student at Syracuse Law School. In his 2007 memoirs, he wrote that he viewed campus anti-war protesters with disdain, calling them “assholes” and asserting he was “far apart from the antiwar movement”.

In private, Biden probably shares similar sentiments about today’s protesters, and the feeling is mutual. This time, however, the President cannot simply swear at the protesters and wait for them to go away. But his instinctive centrism also risks repeating the mistakes of the Democratic candidate for president in 1968, Hubert Humphrey.

Humphrey, vice president at the time, could not disavow the American war effort in Vietnam, as was urged by the Left of his party. Yet, the perception that the US had succumbed to chaos empowered the political Right. The scenes of unrest at the 1968 Democratic convention in Chicago, far from Humphrey’s crowning moment, became an albatross worn around his neck for the rest of the general election. In an uncomfortable coincidence, the Democratic convention this year returns to Chicago.

Likewise, the current protests put the President under two competing and intense pressures. On the one hand, hostility towards the protesters from Biden risks exacerbating his estrangement from young voters and the Left of the Democratic Party. A CNN poll released last weekend showed Biden trailing Donald Trump among young voters, with 51% of those under 35 saying they’d vote for Trump, compared to just 40% backing Biden. Young people have been notoriously difficult to poll during this election, but if the CNN numbers are even close to accurate, a Democratic deficit among young voters bodes poorly for his prospects in November.

At the same time, if Biden is perceived as being too soft on the protesters he risks antagonising the Right and independents. Thus, the President felt compelled to describe violent elements of protests as “despicable” and that antisemitic chants “echo the worst of human history”.

The vocabulary of the Sixties may not be precisely the same, but it certainly rhymes with Republicans’ language today. In 1968, the segregationist third-party candidate George Wallace denounced “silver spoon brats” on university campuses, speaking warmly about how he would happily mow down protesters with his car. California Governor Ronald Reagan described UC Berkeley, another site of protest today, as a cesspit of “beatniks, radicals, and filthy speech advocates”.

But it was the Republican presidential nominee Richard Nixon who was the main political beneficiary of the unrest. Indeed, Nixon understood that the conflict on campus crystallised the conflict he wished to promote in the public mind — a privileged, naïve, out-of-touch progressive Left, siding with the enemies of America and American values. Nixon emphasised that his administration would mean law and order, even if that ultimately meant the National Guard storming university campuses, sometimes to fatal effect.

Nixon deployed this message with great success in both of his elections. In 1968, the combined Nixon-Wallace vote was 57% of the popular vote. Four years later, Nixon (on his own) secured nearly 61% of the popular vote, the highest vote share of any Republican candidate before or since.

Biden has admitted that in 1968 “I thought of myself as a Republican”, but he soon found himself repelled from the sharper edges of Nixon’s divisive rhetoric. In 1970, Biden was elected a Democratic county councillor in Delaware. Two years later, he was elected to the US Senate, where he would remain for the next 38 years.

Biden fashioned himself as a moderate Democrat — not one of the “assholes” occupying the campuses, but not one of those who cheered on the National Guard as they stormed campuses. This is his comfort zone. It’s a paean to an America that is, as he put it on the day he announced his 2020 campaign, “ethical, straight, telling the truth, supporting our allies. All those good things.”

So too was it Hubert Humphrey’s vision of America, but as in 1968 this centrist position may not be enough to unite a fractured nation, where sinews that once connected the country were long ago severed.


Richard Johnson is a Senior Lecturer in Politics at Queen Mary University of London.

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