April 28, 2024 - 6:30pm

Ireland’s beleaguered Minister of Justice, Helen McEntee, is not blessed with a reputation for competence. Kept on in her role, to wide surprise, in new Taoiseach Simon Harris’s cabinet reshuffle, her already plummeting reputation was not enhanced by a shambolic parliamentary committee grilling this week which highlighted not only her department’s EU-beating failure to deport unsuccessful asylum claimants, but also her absolute lack of command of her brief.

With mass migration causing unprecedented turmoil in Ireland’s hitherto placid political scene, McEntee — whose home was apparently evacuated this week due to a bomb threat — is urgently flailing around for a quick solution to problems of her own department and government’s making.

The necessity of turning around her reputation reached crisis point this week, due to a dramatic escalation of protests in the village of Newtownmountkennedy, in Harris’s own rural Co. Wicklow constituency. Echoing the succession of protests against the dispersal of migrants across the Irish countryside, the Newtownmountkennedy protestors confronted Gardaí deployed to protect the contractors readying the site for migrants currently living in a sprawling tent encampment in central Dublin, an embarrassing public symbol of government policy failure. A previous attempt to move the migrants to a tent encampment in the Wicklow mountains failed when they promptly walked back to Dublin. This attempt at dispersal went dramatically worse.

As villagers set fire to one of the disused buildings on the site, the Gardaí clashed with locals, using pepper spray while coming under a hail of stones from behind the hedgerows. Strikingly, the villagers alluded to Ireland’s troubled history of rural disorder, referring to the Gardai as “Black and Tans” and “dirty R.I.C. [Royal Irish Constabulary].” The outbreak of violence in such a leafy, placid community marked a new escalation in Ireland’s wave of anti-immigration protests, with McEntee warning the country was “at a crossroads” and conservative outlet Gript declaring that “the State has crossed the Rubicon,” creating a situation in which “open conflict between the state and the people is not only likely, but inevitable.”

Searching for a way out, the Irish government has blamed Rishi Sunak’s Rwanda plan for Ireland’s increasing migrant influx. Foreign Minister Micheál Martin has claimed that asylum seekers who know their claims will be refused in Britain are crossing the open border — demanded by the Irish government during Brexit negotiations — from Northern Ireland. Sunak, under pressure from his own base over migration, was happy to take the win, declaring that Ireland’s crisis was proof the Rwanda “deterrent is already having an impact because people are worried about coming here”.

In truth, while both have incentives to hype up the Rwanda scheme’s impact, its true role is unknown, largely due to the Justice department’s chaotic recordkeeping. Nevertheless, on Saturday McEntee declared that the Irish government will introduce emergency legislation to send its unwanted migrants back to the UK, and will meet Home Secretary James Cleverly tomorrow to discuss.

But this is easier said than done: just one month ago, the Irish High Court stated that, precisely because of the Rwanda policy, Britain is no longer a safe place for migrants, barring their legal return. With talk in Ireland of new checks within the Irish Sea border and along the border with Northern Ireland, the country’s migration crisis is swiftly becoming an international incident.

Yet if the looming game of migrant ping-pong is a headache for both governments, it also presents difficulties for Sinn Féin, the island’s largest party on both sides of the border. While in the Republic Sinn Féin has swung frantically away from its previously pro-migration rhetoric, now railing against “open borders” and the EU migration pact, in the North, where migration policy is set by Westminster, its leadership has avoided the issue, leaning into the pro-Palestine cause to keep its base enthused.

The prospect of Northern Ireland becoming the new battleground of both countries’ migration crises places Sinn Féin in an uncomfortable position, just as it approaches the brink of power. How can it reconcile its commitment to free movement across Ireland with the growing anger of its Southern voter base, and the risk of exporting that dissatisfaction into its Northern heartland?


Aris Roussinos is an UnHerd columnist and a former war reporter.

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