So Mel Stride has been knocked out of the latest round in the Tory leadership election. Remember Mel Stride? No, me neither. But as one of the few ministers left willing to go out to bat for Rishi Sunak’s dying government during the daily media rounds, could he really have represented the future of the Conservative Party anyway?
Not that the remaining candidates fare much better by this metric, former senior ministers as they all are. Each seeks to disown the inheritance they played their own personal part in building.
But a leadership campaign is an opportunity for ideological freedom — for unhelpful shibboleths to be discarded, biases to be challenged and fixed viewpoints and policy positions to be reassessed in all frankness. It is easy to deliver sermons on the moral failures of Boris Johnson’s premiership, or to lament the political and operational failures of the Liz Truss and Rishi Sunak governments: these are self-evident. It’s easy, too, to promise the red meat of tax cuts and an anti-woke agenda to the party base.
Yet examining whether Truss might have been right in her diagnosis — if not her prescription — is a far more difficult proposition of introspection. Who among the candidates has a theory about how the party managed to oversee more than a decade of stagnant economic growth and wages, and has challenged the Conservative hierarchy to understand the economic and political underpinnings of this unsatisfactory order?
Tory defeat in 1997 may have been comparably catastrophic to 2024, but the party at least felt it had a record to defend. This year offers no such indulgence. Not even leadership frontrunner Robert Jenrick is keen to defend his party’s record in government.
Just look back to Ed Miliband in the 2010 parliament. By casting doubt on the worthiness of the last Labour government with his own faint praise, he offered up political territory to the Conservatives: they could simply march their troops onto the open, undefended land.
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