November 10, 2024 - 1:00pm

In the lead-up to Donald Trump’s election victory earlier this week, Elon Musk had become one of the Republican’s most vocal supporters. While campaigning for Trump, Musk rooted his support in what he saw as targeted persecution by the Biden administration’s regulatory agencies, including the Federal Aviation Administration (FAA), National Labor Relations Board (NLRB), and Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC). The tech billionaire expressed outrage about the Department of Justice lawsuit alleging SpaceX discriminated against hiring asylum seekers, which he claimed in an interview with Joe Rogan was necessary to comply with US export controls: “We’re damned if we do and damned if we don’t.”

On both the Left and Right, many expect federal agencies in a Trump administration to be more favourable to Musk’s companies. The President-elect has even promised to create a “Department of Government Efficiency” led by Musk, with regulatory agencies under Trump expected to reverse decisions detrimental to SpaceX. For example, regulatory scrutiny around the Endangered Species Act, brought by Biden’s Fish and Wildlife Service, are generally less severe under Republican administrations. Meanwhile, the NLRB, which oversees unionisation efforts, may give Tesla an easier ride.

However, the SpaceX CEO has a long way to go if he wants to be free of Left-controlled agencies. Last month, the California Coastal Commission, a state regulator which controls construction along the coast of the Golden State, blocked future SpaceX launches. The commission cited Musk’s tweets as part of its reasoning for denying the launches, making the objection explicitly political. So while Musk may have a friendly president in the White House, he still faces trouble at the state level.

Moreover, public attitudes are likely to turn somewhat against Trump — and by extension Musk — during the coming administration, due to the negative approval ratings that any incumbent president tends to suffer. These shifts in approval usually apply more intensely in states where the losing candidate is popular, such as California, where X and SpaceX were headquartered before Musk moved them to Texas. This shift in public opinion may transfer to Musk, making it more popular for state governments to take action against companies affiliated with him.

The Tesla CEO might also have to worry about lawsuits from foreign countries. After the Musk’s Twitter takeover, the European Union sued X for “disinformation” under the Digital Services Act (DSA), a sweeping package of social media regulation mainly affecting American companies. As part of this lawsuit, the EU also threatened to target assets belonging to other companies with which Musk is affiliated, including SpaceX and Tesla. These actions are part of a longstanding EU-California alliance to regulate technology in direct opposition to federal US legislation. As Luke Hogg writes: “In passing effectively identical laws, Brussels and Sacramento figured out that they could force American companies, and global companies by extension, into their progressive vision of data privacy without having to get the federal government involved at all.”

By becoming directly involved in politics, Musk has opened himself up to a new dimension of attacks from politicians, both domestic and foreign. It has forced him to clearly distinguish between his friends and his enemies. However, it has also given him significant influence in the Republican Party, which could take several actions to counteract Left-wing persecution. If Republicans win a majority in the House of Representatives, as looks likely, they would be able to pass federal preemption laws to supersede many state laws and regulatory agencies, such as the Communications Decency Act of 1996 which created broad protections for internet providers. The Interstate Commerce Clause provides the US Government with the authority to override state regulation on businesses involved in “interstate commerce” — which Tesla, SpaceX and X all are.

What’s more, Trump may put diplomatic pressure on cases of European legislation such as the DSA, which act as de-facto tariffs by exclusively affecting American companies and TikTok. With all of his companies thoroughly intertwined with politics, Musk has every reason to continue taking an active role in the inner workings of government.


Brian Chau is a mathematician, software engineer, and independent writer at cactus.substack.com.

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