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EHRC toilet guidelines don’t help women or trans people

The trans lobby has been so loud over recent years that women's facilities have almost been forgotten. Credit: Getty

The trans lobby has been so loud over recent years that women's facilities have almost been forgotten. Credit: Getty

April 28 2025 - 10:10am

It feels a little like a logic puzzle. Following the Supreme Court’s ruling on the definition of “woman” earlier this month, the Equality and Human Rights Commission has now issued interim guidance on its practical implications.

Regarding the use of public toilets, it is made clear that “trans women (biological men) should not be permitted to use the women’s facilities and trans men (biological women) should not be permitted to use the men’s facilities.” However, the guidance goes on to state that “in some circumstances the law also allows trans women (biological men) not to be permitted to use the men’s facilities, and trans men (biological women) not to be permitted to use the women’s facilities.”

Finally, we are told that “where facilities are available to both men and women, trans people should not be put in a position where there are no facilities for them to use.” If I were a trans person, I’d be thinking “yeah, but how exactly? And whatever solution is found, how long do I have to wait for it?”

However, equality in toilet access is multi-faceted, and women have their own problems to deal with — problems that have, in recent years, been downgraded and in some instances exacerbated by the prioritization of trans activist demands.

Public toilet provision has long been a feminist issue. As Caroline Criado Perez points out in Invisible Women, equal toilet provision for males and females does not equate to equal floor space. Women cannot use urinals and require more time in cubicles (due to periods, pregnancy and birth injuries, among other reasons). Rose George, author of The Big Necessity, puts the ideal female to male toilet ratio at 2:1. Not all women can manage to “hold it in”, or take the risk that they will have to, meaning the “urinary leash” remains very much a thing.

This is a distinct issue, affecting only biologically female people, and a remedy — more exclusively female toilets — is long overdue. However, though conversations about sex, gender and toilets have become louder over the past decade, little progress has been made on this particular front. On the contrary, it has tended to be assumed that the needs of trans people take priority over those of women and girls, even if this leaves the latter more disadvantaged than before.

A familiar sight in recent years has been the conversion of female and disabled toilets into gender-neutral ones, while men’s toilets remain as they are. In the name of inclusion, members of an already privileged group — able-bodied males — have been told they can go wherever they like without losing male-only facilities (since no female can identify into using a urinal). Women and disabled people have been expected to accept this, even if the impact is longer waits and — in some cases — staying at home.

Right now, there is a real risk that yet another diversion of resources to cater for trans people will leave women caught short. After all, there is enough fury from some quarters that women are getting to keep the facilities they already have. All talk is of increasing gender-neutral provisions, not giving women the extra toilets they have been requesting for years. There are also thinly-veiled threats that if women insist on having their own spaces, they will be punished (the threat of “genital inspections” is an obvious example of this). Another, less vivid but more likely punishment would be that so-called “potty parity” is once again de-prioritized.

Toilet provision for trans people is a real issue, but it is not one that women who fought for female-only spaces are morally or financially obliged to solve. Gender-critical women have contributed enough of their own time and money to sorting out problems that those in power should have been dealing with on everyone’s behalf.

Now it’s reasonable for us to focus on our own needs, which we had to set aside while fighting to retain what little we already had. The queue for the ladies’ might be a joke to some, but we’re tired of waiting our turn.


Victoria Smith is a writer and creator of the Glosswitch newsletter.

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China is threatening America in the AI race

Reports sugget Zhipu AI  has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

Reports sugget Zhipu AI has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

July 1 2026 - 10:18am

China is trying to catch up with America on artificial intelligence. The Wall Street Journal has reported that Zhipu AI — one of China’s six “AI tiger” LLMs — has released a new model that can rival leading US systems, including Anthropic’s Mythos, in cybersecurity tasks such as pinpointing security bugs. While this marks a milestone in China’s drive to catch up with Western AI capabilities, strong performance on a single benchmark does not mean it has taken the lead. Chinese models still lag behind their Western counterparts in broader capabilities, such as autonomous operation. Skepticism is therefore warranted before resorting to hysterical conclusions, but complacency about the geopolitical implications of China’s AI advances would be an even greater mistake.

On the infrastructure side, Chinese AI is still constrained by access to advanced chips, with American labs way ahead in computing capacity as well as investment. Analysis from earlier this year suggests that Chinese models are likely to be at least a few months behind those in the US. But they are still continuing to make progress, or that the geopolitical importance of AI will be decided only by whose LLM has ventured deeper into the technological frontier. The practical applications of AI, countries’ to capture foreign markets, and the application of AI into the real economy will matter just as much.

Here, China may hold an advantage. As with its dominance across many critical supply chains, Beijing may not need to produce the most advanced AI systems — only those that are affordable and widely deployable. In doing so, it could consolidate global influence by supplying functional, low-cost AI at scale.

Beijing seems to be pursuing exactly that path, developing an AI “open-source” strategy that offers affordable, widely available AI models for companies and individuals to use and modify as they wish. The production of the DeepSeek AI model, which matched the performance of Silicon Valley tools such as ChatGPT at a fraction of the cost for users, created goodwill among Chinese models with developers.

The four most popular models on OpenRouter, an AI hardware platform for developers, are now all Chinese. The goal for China is not only to win the frontier-model race, but to make its systems the default layer of AI adoption across industries and global markets. For most economies, the choice is increasingly between an affordable tool they can deploy now and a more robust one that may be out of reach.

And while the countries adopting Chinese models may be exposed to political pressure and cyber threats from Beijing, safer and more capable alternatives matter little if they are unaffordable. American AI companies are already under pressure to monetize products whose operating costs are rising. If Chinese open-source models become the cheap default for startups, universities, governments and businesses across the developing world, then America’s AI lead will be eroded from below.

Perhaps more concerning for America in the long run is how AI can give Chinese manufacturing even more strength, through the ongoing integration of AI as a general-purpose technology. China’s new Five-Year Plan mentioned AI more than 50 times and includes an “AI+” action plan aimed at spreading AI across the economy.

Beijing has been pioneering automation of its critical infrastructure for years, with promising recent results in increasing warplane production capacity. In that regard, China’s open-model strategy and manufacturing dominance will reinforce each other. Cheap, adaptable models accelerate deployment across the real economy while those deployments generate real-world data and use cases that can feed back into further model improvement.

The United States should not dismiss the importance of its lead in the AI race. That lead worries Beijing, not least because a more automated Chinese economy would also become more vulnerable to AI-generated cyber threats. But nor should Washington assume that China cannot catch up with American capabilities over time.

This AI competition represents part of a broader struggle over tech supply chains and geopolitical influence. Decisions over whether to adopt US or Chinese models could produce a more fragmented global reality, with different regions relying on different cloud providers, chips and security structures. The result will likely be a global economy which is divided into competing spheres, rather than one which produces a single winner.


Miquel Vila is a political and geopolitical risk consultant focusing on industrial strategy, critical infrastructure and global supply chains.

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