December 10, 2024 - 6:45pm

Carrying his young son on his shoulders, Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) co-chair Elon Musk toured Capitol Hill late last week in a kind of bureaucratic triumph. The tech mogul met with enthusiastic delegations from the House and the Senate. Yet DOGE risks falling into the austerity trap that has ensnared Republicans before — and which could foil Donald Trump’s pivot to a more populist GOP.

DOGE appears to be, at once, both about cutting the federal budget and slashing red tape. But budget cuts have been a dangerous topic for Republicans. During the Tea Party era, austerity politics was an anchor around Republican necks, and Democrats cunningly transformed the 2012 election into a referendum on the ambitious entitlement-reform proposals of Paul Ryan, the GOP vice-presidential nominee.

While Trump to some extent broke with the Ryan era, he was also burned by austerity politics during his first administration. Democrats claimed that Republican efforts to repeal and replace the Affordable Care Act would lead to cuts in healthcare subsidies and a loss of protections for pre-existing conditions. As a result, Trump’s approval rating tumbled during the failed attempted repeals of the healthcare law in 2017, sinking to almost -20 by August of that year.

Though Republicans can certainly wring some savings out of the federal budget, there are limits to how much they can cut before they start targeting popular programmes. According to the Congressional Budget Office, almost half of the $6.1 trillion 2023 budget went to three programmes: Social Security ($1.3 trillion), Medicare ($839 billion), and interest on the debt ($659 billion). Add in the $800 billion for Defense, and almost 60% of the federal budget is accounted for. Income-support programmes, including Medicaid, constituted about $1 trillion of spending in 2023, but proposing major cuts in these areas could endanger Republican standing with working-class voters.

The federal deficit for 2023 was $1.7 trillion, but all non-Defense discretionary spending only came out to a little over $900 billion. Zeroing out every other part of the federal government — from the FBI to foreign aid to the national parks — would barely cut that deficit in half. Musk famously took a chainsaw to the staffing numbers at Twitter to drive down costs, but personnel are not the big driver of federal spending; instead, it is entitlement programmes, such as Social Security, which are locked on autopilot.

DOGE is so clearly tied to the Trump White House that Democrats would be even more enthusiastic to turn it against Republicans if it becomes identified with unpopular cuts. This suggests that DOGE becomes more of a political liability than an opportunity if it aims for cuts that are too sweeping.

The scope of the federal bureaucracy, though, means that there are plenty of opportunities for tightening and reforms. For instance, the sheer complexity of Washington’s overlapping systems for making provider payments on everything from healthcare to education is an invitation for overpayment. A report from the U.S. Government Accountability Office found that the country loses between $233 and $521 billion a year to fraud. Developing new protocols to streamline federal payments and track them more effectively could shave billions off the overall budget. Advocating for permitting reforms could speed up the construction of factories and energy facilities.

Even seemingly arcane changes, such as making its datasets open-source — as suggested by economist Samuel Hammond — could help make government more transparent. To some extent, economic growth can also pay fiscal dividends. While cuts to income-support programmes could be politically perilous, efforts to boost incomes for working families could lower the need for such programmes.

Americans, including Trump voters, do not want a government that they can drown in a bathtub, but they do want one that is efficient and accountable to them. While tweaking the trajectory of the federal budget might require a political breakthrough among key stakeholders, DOGE’s whiz-kid wonks might be better equipped to identify the technical barriers to efficiency.


Fred Bauer is a writer from New England.

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