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Andrew Norfolk: a rare hero in the grooming gangs story

Andrew Norfolk, 1965-2025. Credit: BBC

Andrew Norfolk, 1965-2025. Credit: BBC

May 15 2025 - 1:10pm

I met Andrew Norfolk, who has died at the age of 60, shortly after his first major investigation on grooming gangs was published in the Times in January 2011. We were both guests on a television debate discussing whether it was racist to point out that the majority of perpetrators in these particular gangs — operating mainly in towns across Northern England — were Pakistani Muslims. I had written about the phenomenon in the Sunday Times Magazine four years earlier, and was surprised not only that he arrived armed with that article, but that he held onto it throughout the debate.

Andrew told me afterwards that while he had heard that some Left-wing feminists would be taking part in the program, he had no idea that I was one of them, and had automatically assumed they would attack him as being “Islamophobic”. Not all feminists, I teased him. He had the grace to look shamefaced.

In my 2007 piece, I explored the ethnicity of the men involved and how it had led many white liberals into a cowardly silence. I hadn’t realized that Andrew had faced accusations of racism — despite wanting to expose the organized abuse, pimping, and torture of children. We bonded over our shared experiences.

I told him that I had spent the previous evening at a Guardian party, where several staffers had argued that his coverage was racist, and that the ethnicity of the men was both irrelevant and exaggerated, since most child abusers are white. This is the problem, Andrew responded: the liberal elite doesn’t want to face inconvenient truths.

We stayed in touch, and it was obvious that he was not one of those reporters who was unaffected by the horror of what he had uncovered. In 2015, I traveled to Leeds to interview him for an academic paper on the experiences of national and local journalists reporting on the Pakistani grooming gangs. “The victims deserve better,” he told me at the time, “and there’s a lot more to the racial side of this story to come out.”

It wasn’t just the allegations of racism that affected Andrew’s peace of mind — far worse were the stories of the victims in his head. He told me he didn’t know what made him more angry and distressed: the torture of the victims, or the complacency of the establishment about what was happening to these girls right under their noses.

Without Andrew’s determination and attention to the harrowing details, we may never have had the 2014 inquiry into the Rotherham gangs. A worthy recipient of the Paul Foot Award and the Orwell Prize for his work with the Times, he was also named 2014 Journalist of the Year.

I last saw Andrew shortly after debate about the gangs re-entered the news at the beginning of this year. He was clearly suffering from ill health, and he told me that he was exhausted. But even so — and despite having retired a couple of months earlier — he spoke eloquently to journalists about what he thought should happen next, and how keenly he regretted the fact that the grooming gangs problem was still as bad as ever.

Some of the victims of the gangs whom we both interviewed, at different times, in different circumstances, spoke to me fondly about Andrew. I never heard a bad word about the man from any of them. They knew he respected them and treated their stories with compassion. There was nothing of the insensitive hack about him: he did the work because he cared. He deserves a great deal of credit for highlighting the truth around this most horrific of scandals.


Julie Bindel is an investigative journalist, author, and feminist campaigner. Her latest book is Lesbians: Where are we now? She also writes on Substack.

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China is threatening America in the AI race

Reports sugget Zhipu AI  has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

Reports sugget Zhipu AI has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

July 1 2026 - 10:18am

China is trying to catch up with America on artificial intelligence. The Wall Street Journal has reported that Zhipu AI — one of China’s six “AI tiger” LLMs — has released a new model that can rival leading US systems, including Anthropic’s Mythos, in cybersecurity tasks such as pinpointing security bugs. While this marks a milestone in China’s drive to catch up with Western AI capabilities, strong performance on a single benchmark does not mean it has taken the lead. Chinese models still lag behind their Western counterparts in broader capabilities, such as autonomous operation. Skepticism is therefore warranted before resorting to hysterical conclusions, but complacency about the geopolitical implications of China’s AI advances would be an even greater mistake.

On the infrastructure side, Chinese AI is still constrained by access to advanced chips, with American labs way ahead in computing capacity as well as investment. Analysis from earlier this year suggests that Chinese models are likely to be at least a few months behind those in the US. But they are still continuing to make progress, or that the geopolitical importance of AI will be decided only by whose LLM has ventured deeper into the technological frontier. The practical applications of AI, countries’ to capture foreign markets, and the application of AI into the real economy will matter just as much.

Here, China may hold an advantage. As with its dominance across many critical supply chains, Beijing may not need to produce the most advanced AI systems — only those that are affordable and widely deployable. In doing so, it could consolidate global influence by supplying functional, low-cost AI at scale.

Beijing seems to be pursuing exactly that path, developing an AI “open-source” strategy that offers affordable, widely available AI models for companies and individuals to use and modify as they wish. The production of the DeepSeek AI model, which matched the performance of Silicon Valley tools such as ChatGPT at a fraction of the cost for users, created goodwill among Chinese models with developers.

The four most popular models on OpenRouter, an AI hardware platform for developers, are now all Chinese. The goal for China is not only to win the frontier-model race, but to make its systems the default layer of AI adoption across industries and global markets. For most economies, the choice is increasingly between an affordable tool they can deploy now and a more robust one that may be out of reach.

And while the countries adopting Chinese models may be exposed to political pressure and cyber threats from Beijing, safer and more capable alternatives matter little if they are unaffordable. American AI companies are already under pressure to monetize products whose operating costs are rising. If Chinese open-source models become the cheap default for startups, universities, governments and businesses across the developing world, then America’s AI lead will be eroded from below.

Perhaps more concerning for America in the long run is how AI can give Chinese manufacturing even more strength, through the ongoing integration of AI as a general-purpose technology. China’s new Five-Year Plan mentioned AI more than 50 times and includes an “AI+” action plan aimed at spreading AI across the economy.

Beijing has been pioneering automation of its critical infrastructure for years, with promising recent results in increasing warplane production capacity. In that regard, China’s open-model strategy and manufacturing dominance will reinforce each other. Cheap, adaptable models accelerate deployment across the real economy while those deployments generate real-world data and use cases that can feed back into further model improvement.

The United States should not dismiss the importance of its lead in the AI race. That lead worries Beijing, not least because a more automated Chinese economy would also become more vulnerable to AI-generated cyber threats. But nor should Washington assume that China cannot catch up with American capabilities over time.

This AI competition represents part of a broader struggle over tech supply chains and geopolitical influence. Decisions over whether to adopt US or Chinese models could produce a more fragmented global reality, with different regions relying on different cloud providers, chips and security structures. The result will likely be a global economy which is divided into competing spheres, rather than one which produces a single winner.


Miquel Vila is a political and geopolitical risk consultant focusing on industrial strategy, critical infrastructure and global supply chains.

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