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Rachel Reeves’s bank raid will drive Britain into stagnation

Out of ideas. Credit: Getty

Out of ideas. Credit: Getty

August 30 2025 - 8:00am

In her seemingly never-ending quest for new sources of tax revenue to make her sums add up, Chancellor Rachel Reeves now appears to be setting her sights on the banks. A report in the Financial Times that she’s now considering a windfall tax sent bank stocks tumbling in Friday trading, with Barclays and Lloyds down by 2% and 3% respectively, and NatWest over 4%.

As with so many things this government does, the decision seems to be driven by political calculation rather than economic strategy. The Chancellor needs money to plug the widening gap in the Treasury’s finances, and the banks are an easy target. As one senior banker put it to the FT, “no one likes banks.”

There’s also an economic rationale for clawing back some of the profits the banks have made. A new report from the Labour-adjacent Institute for Public Policy Research makes a compelling case that banks scored a windfall from the Bank of England’s ultra-loose monetary policies, and that the public are entitled to demand some of it back.

The BoE’s policy of virtually handing the banks money to save the economy after the 2008 financial crisis, and again during the Covid pandemic, was always a dubious one, though in its defense the Bank could always say someone needed to pump money into the economy because George Osborne’s austerity took it out. But the effect was to inflate bank profits with windfalls which are now costing the taxpayer: quantitative easing involved buying bonds at inflated prices, while the quantitative tightening now underway involves selling them back at a loss, leaving the banks to pocket the difference.

So while it might have made sense as an economic strategy, the political legacy was always bound to be toxic. Reeves can’t be blamed for policy choices made long before she took office, and so she could have made the case on last year’s campaign trail that there was a lot of cleaning up that needed doing. She didn’t, though, and it seems a bit late to do it now.

Because she is constantly running around looking for new tax pots, having ruled out most available ones in a quest to help secure an election victory last year, Reeves is doing little to help stimulate the investment needed to fire up the economy. A recent OECD study found that Britain had one of the weakest investment rates in the developed world, and attributed it in large measure (as for all OECD countries) to uncertainty in the policy environment. The 2008 financial crisis and the Covid pandemic both set investment back sharply, and now trade uncertainty and a volatile geopolitical environment have made things worse. In the midst of all this, the last thing British business needs is a government constantly trying new things to stay solvent.

Back in 1963, Harold Wilson delivered a visionary speech to the Labour Party conference that called for the party to commit itself to the “white heat” of the technological revolution that could transform Britain’s economy. It formed the basis of Labour’s pitch in the following year’s general election, asking for a mandate to profoundly reorder the country.

Reeves and Keir Starmer could have made such speeches before last year’s election, calling for mandates to reshape the tax system, completely reorder public services, and change Treasury orthodoxy. They didn’t. Instead, they chose to play it safe with pledges crafted to offend nobody, condemning themselves to a seemingly endless cycle of crisis management.


John Rapley is an author and academic who divides his time between London, Johannesburg and Ottawa. His books include Why Empires Fall: Rome, America and the Future of the West (with Peter Heather, Penguin, 2023) and Twilight of the Money Gods: Economics as a Religion (Simon & Schuster, 2017).

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China is threatening America in the AI race

Reports sugget Zhipu AI  has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

Reports sugget Zhipu AI has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

July 1 2026 - 10:18am

China is trying to catch up with America on artificial intelligence. The Wall Street Journal has reported that Zhipu AI — one of China’s six “AI tiger” LLMs — has released a new model that can rival leading US systems, including Anthropic’s Mythos, in cybersecurity tasks such as pinpointing security bugs. While this marks a milestone in China’s drive to catch up with Western AI capabilities, strong performance on a single benchmark does not mean it has taken the lead. Chinese models still lag behind their Western counterparts in broader capabilities, such as autonomous operation. Skepticism is therefore warranted before resorting to hysterical conclusions, but complacency about the geopolitical implications of China’s AI advances would be an even greater mistake.

On the infrastructure side, Chinese AI is still constrained by access to advanced chips, with American labs way ahead in computing capacity as well as investment. Analysis from earlier this year suggests that Chinese models are likely to be at least a few months behind those in the US. But they are still continuing to make progress, or that the geopolitical importance of AI will be decided only by whose LLM has ventured deeper into the technological frontier. The practical applications of AI, countries’ to capture foreign markets, and the application of AI into the real economy will matter just as much.

Here, China may hold an advantage. As with its dominance across many critical supply chains, Beijing may not need to produce the most advanced AI systems — only those that are affordable and widely deployable. In doing so, it could consolidate global influence by supplying functional, low-cost AI at scale.

Beijing seems to be pursuing exactly that path, developing an AI “open-source” strategy that offers affordable, widely available AI models for companies and individuals to use and modify as they wish. The production of the DeepSeek AI model, which matched the performance of Silicon Valley tools such as ChatGPT at a fraction of the cost for users, created goodwill among Chinese models with developers.

The four most popular models on OpenRouter, an AI hardware platform for developers, are now all Chinese. The goal for China is not only to win the frontier-model race, but to make its systems the default layer of AI adoption across industries and global markets. For most economies, the choice is increasingly between an affordable tool they can deploy now and a more robust one that may be out of reach.

And while the countries adopting Chinese models may be exposed to political pressure and cyber threats from Beijing, safer and more capable alternatives matter little if they are unaffordable. American AI companies are already under pressure to monetize products whose operating costs are rising. If Chinese open-source models become the cheap default for startups, universities, governments and businesses across the developing world, then America’s AI lead will be eroded from below.

Perhaps more concerning for America in the long run is how AI can give Chinese manufacturing even more strength, through the ongoing integration of AI as a general-purpose technology. China’s new Five-Year Plan mentioned AI more than 50 times and includes an “AI+” action plan aimed at spreading AI across the economy.

Beijing has been pioneering automation of its critical infrastructure for years, with promising recent results in increasing warplane production capacity. In that regard, China’s open-model strategy and manufacturing dominance will reinforce each other. Cheap, adaptable models accelerate deployment across the real economy while those deployments generate real-world data and use cases that can feed back into further model improvement.

The United States should not dismiss the importance of its lead in the AI race. That lead worries Beijing, not least because a more automated Chinese economy would also become more vulnerable to AI-generated cyber threats. But nor should Washington assume that China cannot catch up with American capabilities over time.

This AI competition represents part of a broader struggle over tech supply chains and geopolitical influence. Decisions over whether to adopt US or Chinese models could produce a more fragmented global reality, with different regions relying on different cloud providers, chips and security structures. The result will likely be a global economy which is divided into competing spheres, rather than one which produces a single winner.


Miquel Vila is a political and geopolitical risk consultant focusing on industrial strategy, critical infrastructure and global supply chains.

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