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Price hikes could derail Trump’s midterm hopes

Wholesale vegetable prices spiked nearly 40% in July. Credit: Getty

Wholesale vegetable prices spiked nearly 40% in July. Credit: Getty

August 16 2025 - 7:15pm

Republicans can’t ignore the mounting cost crisis in the US. New data shows wholesale prices and everyday bills are surging: the producer price index jumped 0.9% in July, marking its largest monthly increase since 2022. Wholesale vegetable prices spiked nearly 40% that month — a dramatic move even for a typically volatile category. Meanwhile, electricity costs have risen about 5.5% over the past year, adding to household strain.

Democrats have signaled that they would like to bludgeon Republicans with these price increases, though there might be more than a little hypocrisy in doing so. For instance, according to data from the US Energy Information Administration, the states with the highest energy costs per kilowatt-hour in 2024 were all governed by Democrats: Hawaii, California, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Connecticut. Indeed, at over 30 cents per kilowatt hour, California’s electricity costs were twice as much as that of neighboring Nevada.

The choices of progressive policymakers in various states — such as blocking new nuclear power plants and decommissioning coal-fired plants — have helped limit the supply of energy and driven up costs. It’s hard to blame Donald Trump for that. That said, Republicans have both electoral and policy-related reasons to tackle rising prices. Midterm elections are often referenda on the incumbent party, so voters could punish Republicans at the ballot box if they are dissatisfied with prices. As polling analyst Harry Enten recently observed on CNN, Republicans have lost the advantage they once had over Democrats on inflation, which could pose an electoral challenge.

Beyond defections from Republican voters, perhaps a far greater midterm threat for the GOP would be the voters who don’t even show up. The current Republican coalition relies on high levels of turnout from disengaged voters. That alienated electorate swarmed to the polls to deliver the presidency to Trump and Congress to Republicans in 2024. Those frustrated voters could stay home in 2026 if they feel as though Republicans have not delivered on affordability issues.

More broadly, rising costs pose a serious policy challenge for center-right populism. Higher energy and raw material prices directly undermine efforts to revive American manufacturing, while making new housing more expensive and discouraging family formation. Meanwhile, the expansion of artificial intelligence — a key focus for both this administration and the tech-oriented Right — will only increase pressure on the electric grid.

Republicans still have a political opening to address affordability. Inflation remains significantly below the peaks of the Biden years, and, while it is underwater, the President’s approval rating on the economy remains well above his predecessor’s.

Still, the clock is ticking. A key political and policy tripwire will be topline inflation numbers. A sustained increase would cause inflation to dominate the headlines, and Democrats would likely blame the very policy ambitions of the White House — from the Big Beautiful Bill to the global rebalancing of trade — for this inflation. Populist voices on the Left have already begun attacking the administration over inflation and argue that the Trump White House has grown too friendly with corporate interests. A spike in inflation could become a messaging weapon for the anti-corporate, anti-MAGA Left.

The realigned GOP has continually outmaneuvered progressives on many cultural issues so far this year, but it cannot afford to be boxed out on kitchen-table finances. Rising costs aren’t just an economic burden — they are a political fault line. If Republicans fail to present a coherent, credible plan for affordability, they risk alienating both their base and the swing voters who decide elections. Failure to address it would leave voters questioning whether Republicans can manage the economy as effectively as they promised.


Fred Bauer is a writer from New England.

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China is threatening America in the AI race

Reports sugget Zhipu AI  has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

Reports sugget Zhipu AI has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

July 1 2026 - 10:18am

China is trying to catch up with America on artificial intelligence. The Wall Street Journal has reported that Zhipu AI — one of China’s six “AI tiger” LLMs — has released a new model that can rival leading US systems, including Anthropic’s Mythos, in cybersecurity tasks such as pinpointing security bugs. While this marks a milestone in China’s drive to catch up with Western AI capabilities, strong performance on a single benchmark does not mean it has taken the lead. Chinese models still lag behind their Western counterparts in broader capabilities, such as autonomous operation. Skepticism is therefore warranted before resorting to hysterical conclusions, but complacency about the geopolitical implications of China’s AI advances would be an even greater mistake.

On the infrastructure side, Chinese AI is still constrained by access to advanced chips, with American labs way ahead in computing capacity as well as investment. Analysis from earlier this year suggests that Chinese models are likely to be at least a few months behind those in the US. But they are still continuing to make progress, or that the geopolitical importance of AI will be decided only by whose LLM has ventured deeper into the technological frontier. The practical applications of AI, countries’ to capture foreign markets, and the application of AI into the real economy will matter just as much.

Here, China may hold an advantage. As with its dominance across many critical supply chains, Beijing may not need to produce the most advanced AI systems — only those that are affordable and widely deployable. In doing so, it could consolidate global influence by supplying functional, low-cost AI at scale.

Beijing seems to be pursuing exactly that path, developing an AI “open-source” strategy that offers affordable, widely available AI models for companies and individuals to use and modify as they wish. The production of the DeepSeek AI model, which matched the performance of Silicon Valley tools such as ChatGPT at a fraction of the cost for users, created goodwill among Chinese models with developers.

The four most popular models on OpenRouter, an AI hardware platform for developers, are now all Chinese. The goal for China is not only to win the frontier-model race, but to make its systems the default layer of AI adoption across industries and global markets. For most economies, the choice is increasingly between an affordable tool they can deploy now and a more robust one that may be out of reach.

And while the countries adopting Chinese models may be exposed to political pressure and cyber threats from Beijing, safer and more capable alternatives matter little if they are unaffordable. American AI companies are already under pressure to monetize products whose operating costs are rising. If Chinese open-source models become the cheap default for startups, universities, governments and businesses across the developing world, then America’s AI lead will be eroded from below.

Perhaps more concerning for America in the long run is how AI can give Chinese manufacturing even more strength, through the ongoing integration of AI as a general-purpose technology. China’s new Five-Year Plan mentioned AI more than 50 times and includes an “AI+” action plan aimed at spreading AI across the economy.

Beijing has been pioneering automation of its critical infrastructure for years, with promising recent results in increasing warplane production capacity. In that regard, China’s open-model strategy and manufacturing dominance will reinforce each other. Cheap, adaptable models accelerate deployment across the real economy while those deployments generate real-world data and use cases that can feed back into further model improvement.

The United States should not dismiss the importance of its lead in the AI race. That lead worries Beijing, not least because a more automated Chinese economy would also become more vulnerable to AI-generated cyber threats. But nor should Washington assume that China cannot catch up with American capabilities over time.

This AI competition represents part of a broader struggle over tech supply chains and geopolitical influence. Decisions over whether to adopt US or Chinese models could produce a more fragmented global reality, with different regions relying on different cloud providers, chips and security structures. The result will likely be a global economy which is divided into competing spheres, rather than one which produces a single winner.


Miquel Vila is a political and geopolitical risk consultant focusing on industrial strategy, critical infrastructure and global supply chains.

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