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The bullying of John Boyne shames the Polari prizes

John Boyne has previously defended J.K. Rowling. Credit: Getty

John Boyne has previously defended J.K. Rowling. Credit: Getty

August 12 2025 - 5:30pm

It should have been no surprise that John Boyne was longlisted earlier this month for one of this year’s Polari prizes, awards celebrating LGBTQ+ literature, for his beautiful novella Earth. One of the most accomplished living novelists from the British Isles, he is best known for 2006’s The Boy in the Striped Pyjamas.

However, he is also known for speaking up in defense of J.K. Rowling, and for refusing to capitulate when activists objected to his 2019 novel about youth gender transition, My Brother’s Name is Jessica. Boyne’s objections to gender ideology, while shared by a significant portion of the population, make the backlash he has received in recent days just as unsurprising as the initial nomination.

Already, over 800 writers and publishing workers have signed an open letter condemning Boyne’s presence on the longlist. Of the authors nominated for this year’s prizes, 10 have now withdrawn from consideration; even two of the judges have dropped out.

This debacle has taken me back to the good old days, before the cult of gender ideology sunk its claws into every progressive institution going. In 2014, I published a book about lesbian and gay culture called Straight Expectations. I was thrilled to be invited to speak at the Polari Literary Salon, and that my book was shortlisted for one of the prizes. On the night, the audience was stuffed with literary types of all persuasions, including supportive heterosexuals as well as the odd trans-identified person. But there was no animosity whatsoever, and a great time was had by all.

In 2017, I published a book on the global sex trade and was again invited to speak at the Salon because one chapter focused on gay men, the AIDS crisis, and the “pro-sex work” ideology that arose from it. My talk was controversial to some, but still well-received overall.

By the time I published my next book, in 2021, the trans train had chugged into town. I was informed, politely and regretfully, by the organizers that my appearance at the event would cause a major pushback. I took it in reasonably good spirits, although I felt sad and disappointed that Polari now appeared to have been properly captured by a stifling new force.

As it happens, Boyne has always appeared modest and deeply respectful of other writers. He would no doubt have been delighted to be included on a longlist among other gay men and lesbians, but now he’s come in for horrible bullying and baseless, defamatory accusations of bigotry.

One of the worst things about this sadistic movement is the insistence that individuals who have earned their wealth are so privileged that they have no right to feel upset about being targeted. In the unlikely event that I had ever held that ridiculous view myself, seeing what happened to my friend Jo Rowling would have disabused me of it.

When you target decent people — who hold sound liberal values and are genuinely kind and compassionate — by calling them Nazis and suggesting that they are causing the deaths of trans people, it hurts. I’m sure that the instigators of the witch hunt against Boyne will not rest until they have “persuaded” every writer and judge involved to resign. I’m afraid this will be the end of Polari, and we need to build something else. How many more fun, important things will these people be allowed to ruin, before more of us say, “enough is enough”?


Julie Bindel is an investigative journalist, author, and feminist campaigner. Her latest book is Lesbians: Where are we now? She also writes on Substack.

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China is threatening America in the AI race

Reports sugget Zhipu AI  has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

Reports sugget Zhipu AI has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

July 1 2026 - 10:18am

China is trying to catch up with America on artificial intelligence. The Wall Street Journal has reported that Zhipu AI — one of China’s six “AI tiger” LLMs — has released a new model that can rival leading US systems, including Anthropic’s Mythos, in cybersecurity tasks such as pinpointing security bugs. While this marks a milestone in China’s drive to catch up with Western AI capabilities, strong performance on a single benchmark does not mean it has taken the lead. Chinese models still lag behind their Western counterparts in broader capabilities, such as autonomous operation. Skepticism is therefore warranted before resorting to hysterical conclusions, but complacency about the geopolitical implications of China’s AI advances would be an even greater mistake.

On the infrastructure side, Chinese AI is still constrained by access to advanced chips, with American labs way ahead in computing capacity as well as investment. Analysis from earlier this year suggests that Chinese models are likely to be at least a few months behind those in the US. But they are still continuing to make progress, or that the geopolitical importance of AI will be decided only by whose LLM has ventured deeper into the technological frontier. The practical applications of AI, countries’ to capture foreign markets, and the application of AI into the real economy will matter just as much.

Here, China may hold an advantage. As with its dominance across many critical supply chains, Beijing may not need to produce the most advanced AI systems — only those that are affordable and widely deployable. In doing so, it could consolidate global influence by supplying functional, low-cost AI at scale.

Beijing seems to be pursuing exactly that path, developing an AI “open-source” strategy that offers affordable, widely available AI models for companies and individuals to use and modify as they wish. The production of the DeepSeek AI model, which matched the performance of Silicon Valley tools such as ChatGPT at a fraction of the cost for users, created goodwill among Chinese models with developers.

The four most popular models on OpenRouter, an AI hardware platform for developers, are now all Chinese. The goal for China is not only to win the frontier-model race, but to make its systems the default layer of AI adoption across industries and global markets. For most economies, the choice is increasingly between an affordable tool they can deploy now and a more robust one that may be out of reach.

And while the countries adopting Chinese models may be exposed to political pressure and cyber threats from Beijing, safer and more capable alternatives matter little if they are unaffordable. American AI companies are already under pressure to monetize products whose operating costs are rising. If Chinese open-source models become the cheap default for startups, universities, governments and businesses across the developing world, then America’s AI lead will be eroded from below.

Perhaps more concerning for America in the long run is how AI can give Chinese manufacturing even more strength, through the ongoing integration of AI as a general-purpose technology. China’s new Five-Year Plan mentioned AI more than 50 times and includes an “AI+” action plan aimed at spreading AI across the economy.

Beijing has been pioneering automation of its critical infrastructure for years, with promising recent results in increasing warplane production capacity. In that regard, China’s open-model strategy and manufacturing dominance will reinforce each other. Cheap, adaptable models accelerate deployment across the real economy while those deployments generate real-world data and use cases that can feed back into further model improvement.

The United States should not dismiss the importance of its lead in the AI race. That lead worries Beijing, not least because a more automated Chinese economy would also become more vulnerable to AI-generated cyber threats. But nor should Washington assume that China cannot catch up with American capabilities over time.

This AI competition represents part of a broader struggle over tech supply chains and geopolitical influence. Decisions over whether to adopt US or Chinese models could produce a more fragmented global reality, with different regions relying on different cloud providers, chips and security structures. The result will likely be a global economy which is divided into competing spheres, rather than one which produces a single winner.


Miquel Vila is a political and geopolitical risk consultant focusing on industrial strategy, critical infrastructure and global supply chains.

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