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UK Government hushes up its Apple data grab

The Home Office is trying to force Apple into creating an encryption backdoor. Credit: Getty

The Home Office is trying to force Apple into creating an encryption backdoor. Credit: Getty

March 15 2025 - 1:00pm

High Court, London

Yesterday, in a small locked room in a remote corner of the High Court in London, a panel of two judges considered Apple’s appeal against an order issued by the British Government. The tech firm was responding to a technical capability notice (TCN) from the Home Office, which is attempting to force Apple to create an encryption backdoor. If implemented, this notice would effectively break end-to-end encryption, giving UK authorities access to Apple users’ data — an unprecedented move for a major democracy.

Unfortunately, the Investigatory Powers Act stipulates that this whole process must be shrouded in secrecy. Although the hearing was publicly listed as “an application in private” to be heard in the Investigatory Powers Tribunal, no one involved is legally allowed to comment — or even confirm that the session was related to the Apple case.

I was one of around a dozen campaigners and journalists who spent yesterday in the corridor outside the courtroom, hoping that our submissions urging the Tribunal to open proceedings would be considered and that we might be allowed in. My organization, Big Brother Watch, had written jointly to the tribunal along with Open Rights Group and Index on Censorship. Privacy International and Liberty also filed a submission, as did a number of the country’s leading media organizations, all seeking for the hearing to be opened to the public.

This performative level of secrecy seems particularly absurd given how much public attention the case has received since it was first reported by the Washington Post last month. Perhaps the British Government underestimated how much pushback it would receive — from the public, civil society organizations, tech companies, politicians, and even across the Atlantic, with US officials now examining whether the UK has violated a key bilateral data treaty.

The reason for this outcry is clear: the privacy rights of millions are at stake, starting with Apple’s British customers. UK users have already lost access to the company’s most secure encryption tool, Advanced Data Protection (ADP), with reporting by the Financial Times suggesting that the Government considered the removal of ADP insufficient to comply with the TCN. If the Government wins in this tribunal, it could force the creation of an encryption backdoor that would compromise all of our personal data.

Even more alarming is what could follow. We could very easily see a proliferation of similar orders to other platforms. And there is no such thing as an encryption backdoor which magically targets only criminals, or which gives access to the UK authorities alone. Once encryption is broken for anyone, it is broken for everyone, leaving our data vulnerable to malicious actors such as hackers or foreign adversaries. No matter how it is sold to the public — whether under the guise of combating terrorism, protecting children, or other seemingly worthy claims — this erosion of our most fundamental rights doesn’t make anyone safer.

Such brazen efforts by states to access citizens’ data are usually reserved for authoritarian regimes such as China, and have no place in a country which values human rights and civil liberties. When viewed in the context of other ongoing legislative moves seeking access to our data — from provisions in the Data (Use and Access) Bill permitting surveillance of bank accounts, to proposals in the Crime and Policing Bill that would effectively turn the driving license database into a gallery of police mugshots — the UK is on a very worrying path indeed.

It is currently unclear when the Investigatory Powers Tribunal’s consideration of the Apple encryption case will continue, or whether it will ever be open to the public. But dangers certainly lie ahead if this current trajectory doesn’t change. It’s not too late for the Home Office to rescind its order to Apple, and use the targeted powers already at its disposal to fight crime rather than eroding the rights of an entire population through mass surveillance. It is difficult to imagine any situation where this could be considered proportionate. Just because these powers exist does not mean they should be used, now or ever.


Rebecca Vincent is the Interim Director of Big Brother Watch, a UK civil liberties organisation that defends privacy rights and free speech.

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China is threatening America in the AI race

Reports sugget Zhipu AI  has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

Reports sugget Zhipu AI has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

July 1 2026 - 10:18am

China is trying to catch up with America on artificial intelligence. The Wall Street Journal has reported that Zhipu AI — one of China’s six “AI tiger” LLMs — has released a new model that can rival leading US systems, including Anthropic’s Mythos, in cybersecurity tasks such as pinpointing security bugs. While this marks a milestone in China’s drive to catch up with Western AI capabilities, strong performance on a single benchmark does not mean it has taken the lead. Chinese models still lag behind their Western counterparts in broader capabilities, such as autonomous operation. Skepticism is therefore warranted before resorting to hysterical conclusions, but complacency about the geopolitical implications of China’s AI advances would be an even greater mistake.

On the infrastructure side, Chinese AI is still constrained by access to advanced chips, with American labs way ahead in computing capacity as well as investment. Analysis from earlier this year suggests that Chinese models are likely to be at least a few months behind those in the US. But they are still continuing to make progress, or that the geopolitical importance of AI will be decided only by whose LLM has ventured deeper into the technological frontier. The practical applications of AI, countries’ to capture foreign markets, and the application of AI into the real economy will matter just as much.

Here, China may hold an advantage. As with its dominance across many critical supply chains, Beijing may not need to produce the most advanced AI systems — only those that are affordable and widely deployable. In doing so, it could consolidate global influence by supplying functional, low-cost AI at scale.

Beijing seems to be pursuing exactly that path, developing an AI “open-source” strategy that offers affordable, widely available AI models for companies and individuals to use and modify as they wish. The production of the DeepSeek AI model, which matched the performance of Silicon Valley tools such as ChatGPT at a fraction of the cost for users, created goodwill among Chinese models with developers.

The four most popular models on OpenRouter, an AI hardware platform for developers, are now all Chinese. The goal for China is not only to win the frontier-model race, but to make its systems the default layer of AI adoption across industries and global markets. For most economies, the choice is increasingly between an affordable tool they can deploy now and a more robust one that may be out of reach.

And while the countries adopting Chinese models may be exposed to political pressure and cyber threats from Beijing, safer and more capable alternatives matter little if they are unaffordable. American AI companies are already under pressure to monetize products whose operating costs are rising. If Chinese open-source models become the cheap default for startups, universities, governments and businesses across the developing world, then America’s AI lead will be eroded from below.

Perhaps more concerning for America in the long run is how AI can give Chinese manufacturing even more strength, through the ongoing integration of AI as a general-purpose technology. China’s new Five-Year Plan mentioned AI more than 50 times and includes an “AI+” action plan aimed at spreading AI across the economy.

Beijing has been pioneering automation of its critical infrastructure for years, with promising recent results in increasing warplane production capacity. In that regard, China’s open-model strategy and manufacturing dominance will reinforce each other. Cheap, adaptable models accelerate deployment across the real economy while those deployments generate real-world data and use cases that can feed back into further model improvement.

The United States should not dismiss the importance of its lead in the AI race. That lead worries Beijing, not least because a more automated Chinese economy would also become more vulnerable to AI-generated cyber threats. But nor should Washington assume that China cannot catch up with American capabilities over time.

This AI competition represents part of a broader struggle over tech supply chains and geopolitical influence. Decisions over whether to adopt US or Chinese models could produce a more fragmented global reality, with different regions relying on different cloud providers, chips and security structures. The result will likely be a global economy which is divided into competing spheres, rather than one which produces a single winner.


Miquel Vila is a political and geopolitical risk consultant focusing on industrial strategy, critical infrastructure and global supply chains.

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