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Rejoin marchers are fueled by a fantasy vision of Europe

The long road back to Brussels. Credit: Getty

The long road back to Brussels. Credit: Getty

June 21 2026 - 8:00am

Central London

For some four, heat-exhausted hours on Saturday, one thousand people stood in Parliament Square and dreamed of Europe. It had been 10 long years since the Brexit vote, since they woke one morning to find they were no longer Europeans, but now the prospect of rejoining felt inevitable.

A statistic that had appeared in the Financial Times earlier this week gave them hope: 2.6 million Leave voters were dead, meaning that, had the vote happened today, it would have turned out quite differently. A placard insisted that “nobody born this century voted to leave.” “The problem with older people,” said one attendee, “is their nostalgia.” He was 65 years old and so, it seemed, was everyone else at the National Rejoin March, the latest iteration of the People’s Vote campaign. I saw only four people who were plausibly younger than 20, all of whom had megaphones or speaking slots thrust upon them.

The march had started at Temple Station. From there, it had been led by a troupe of blue-haired dancers waving EU flags and chanting: “You can shove Brexit up your arse.” The occasional passer-by or cabbie heckled them.

By the time they’d reached Parliament, it was so hot that the only smell was Nivea sun cream, the only sound the crunching of water bottles. One by one, the aging crowd collapsed onto the lawn, or fainted into ambulances, or else retreated into the shade. A woman fanned herself with a copy of The New World bearing the headline “A History of Brexit in 256 Disasters”.

In hindsight, Brexit was easily explained: a few dishonesties about the NHS and an imminent Turkish invasion had swung it. Whatever anger there was in the country had been whipped up by lying Tories or Nigel Farage. It felt significant that no one cared that one of the most alienating consequences of Brexit had been the “Boriswave”. Someone wore a T-shirt that read: “Who will sell us coffee now?” They seemed to think that a return to Europe would mean more immigration, rather than less. I wondered how they’d feel about an EU in which Giorgia Meloni has increasing influence, in which Jordan Bardella and the AfD are knocking at the door. They responded with either silence or assertions that Europe is liberal and could only ever be so.

The show was delayed. A woman appeared onstage to announce that they were having technical issues. I spotted the veteran anti-Brexit campaigner Steve Bray wandering around nervously and looking for an amplifier, shouting: “Gareth! Gareth! Has anyone seen Gareth?” A video appeared onscreen: a purported history of Britain’s relationship to the EU, bafflingly limited to clips of Barack Obama, Ronald Reagan and Charlie Chaplin. Over in the shade, old men sidled up beside me and told me that I really ought to know about Russia and Cambridge Analytica and Tory plots.

Once the tribunes of the People’s Vote campaign dispersed into the podcast-sphere and a few stillborn parties (who now remembers True & Fair?), all that was left were a few diehard campaigners and the occasional fossil. The headline speaker was former Labour leader Neil Kinnock, who spoke of the “unmitigated” failure of Brexit. He also said that “there are no islands in this world, least of all ours.” He gestured to the “youngsters”, who — now in their mid-60s — smiled gormlessly back at him.

Femi Oluwole, a People’s Vote campaigner, followed shortly after. He had recently visited Brussels and met the EU’s Brexit spokesperson, who had told him that “it’s time to make Nigel Farage pay.” Terry Reintke, an MEP with the German Greens, said much the same. There is a liberal Europe waiting with open arms, and all we need to do is hurtle towards it. She threatened that, if we’re not quick enough, the 28th European “star” will go to Montenegro. The crowd groaned. They wanted it for themselves.

But no one, really, wanted to talk about Europe. All the issues they blamed on Brexit were alarmingly present in Europe itself — sectarian tension, cost-of-living pressures, the rise of the hard Right. If only Britain could return to the EU, then it could take back control — of its faltering economy, its wayward electorate — and the course of history would be corrected. Britain, once again, would be at the center of a liberal Europe.


Cosmo Adair is an editorial assistant at UnHerd.

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China is threatening America in the AI race

Reports sugget Zhipu AI  has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

Reports sugget Zhipu AI has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

July 1 2026 - 10:18am

China is trying to catch up with America on artificial intelligence. The Wall Street Journal has reported that Zhipu AI — one of China’s six “AI tiger” LLMs — has released a new model that can rival leading US systems, including Anthropic’s Mythos, in cybersecurity tasks such as pinpointing security bugs. While this marks a milestone in China’s drive to catch up with Western AI capabilities, strong performance on a single benchmark does not mean it has taken the lead. Chinese models still lag behind their Western counterparts in broader capabilities, such as autonomous operation. Skepticism is therefore warranted before resorting to hysterical conclusions, but complacency about the geopolitical implications of China’s AI advances would be an even greater mistake.

On the infrastructure side, Chinese AI is still constrained by access to advanced chips, with American labs way ahead in computing capacity as well as investment. Analysis from earlier this year suggests that Chinese models are likely to be at least a few months behind those in the US. But they are still continuing to make progress, or that the geopolitical importance of AI will be decided only by whose LLM has ventured deeper into the technological frontier. The practical applications of AI, countries’ to capture foreign markets, and the application of AI into the real economy will matter just as much.

Here, China may hold an advantage. As with its dominance across many critical supply chains, Beijing may not need to produce the most advanced AI systems — only those that are affordable and widely deployable. In doing so, it could consolidate global influence by supplying functional, low-cost AI at scale.

Beijing seems to be pursuing exactly that path, developing an AI “open-source” strategy that offers affordable, widely available AI models for companies and individuals to use and modify as they wish. The production of the DeepSeek AI model, which matched the performance of Silicon Valley tools such as ChatGPT at a fraction of the cost for users, created goodwill among Chinese models with developers.

The four most popular models on OpenRouter, an AI hardware platform for developers, are now all Chinese. The goal for China is not only to win the frontier-model race, but to make its systems the default layer of AI adoption across industries and global markets. For most economies, the choice is increasingly between an affordable tool they can deploy now and a more robust one that may be out of reach.

And while the countries adopting Chinese models may be exposed to political pressure and cyber threats from Beijing, safer and more capable alternatives matter little if they are unaffordable. American AI companies are already under pressure to monetize products whose operating costs are rising. If Chinese open-source models become the cheap default for startups, universities, governments and businesses across the developing world, then America’s AI lead will be eroded from below.

Perhaps more concerning for America in the long run is how AI can give Chinese manufacturing even more strength, through the ongoing integration of AI as a general-purpose technology. China’s new Five-Year Plan mentioned AI more than 50 times and includes an “AI+” action plan aimed at spreading AI across the economy.

Beijing has been pioneering automation of its critical infrastructure for years, with promising recent results in increasing warplane production capacity. In that regard, China’s open-model strategy and manufacturing dominance will reinforce each other. Cheap, adaptable models accelerate deployment across the real economy while those deployments generate real-world data and use cases that can feed back into further model improvement.

The United States should not dismiss the importance of its lead in the AI race. That lead worries Beijing, not least because a more automated Chinese economy would also become more vulnerable to AI-generated cyber threats. But nor should Washington assume that China cannot catch up with American capabilities over time.

This AI competition represents part of a broader struggle over tech supply chains and geopolitical influence. Decisions over whether to adopt US or Chinese models could produce a more fragmented global reality, with different regions relying on different cloud providers, chips and security structures. The result will likely be a global economy which is divided into competing spheres, rather than one which produces a single winner.


Miquel Vila is a political and geopolitical risk consultant focusing on industrial strategy, critical infrastructure and global supply chains.

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