Every once in a while, US administrations are forced to remind client states of “who’s the fucking superpower here”, as Bill Clinton famously remarked upon meeting Benjamin Netanyahu. The Trump administration did just that on Wednesday in response to a Knesset vote authorising Israeli annexation of the West Bank. And it was JD Vance who delivered the toughest message.
“It was a very stupid political stunt,” the Vice President told reporters, “and I personally take some insult to it. The West Bank is not going to be annexed by Israel.” He added: “We were certainly not happy about it.” His words were echoed, more mildly, by Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who described the annexation vote as “counterproductive”. President Trump himself, meanwhile, warned that Israeli authorities would jeopardise American support — all of it — if they move to formally annex the Occupied Territories. This collective rebuke was a case study in the administration’s willingness to unload when allies step out of line.
It also showcases Trump’s determination to uphold the ceasefire in Gaza, which has only been possible thanks to the support of the leading Arab states, for whom the annexation of the West Bank is a red line. The administration has established an entire regional operations centre dedicated to preserving the fragile peace, and it’s not about to permit Israel’s increasingly fanatical and influential settler movement to upset the political applecart.
Secondly, the reprimand points to Washington’s growing frustration with Israeli maximalism on a wide range of issues, from Iran diplomacy to Syria to the Palestinian question. “Why are you always so fucking negative?” Trump reportedly asked Bibi in discussions leading up to the Gaza ceasefire, reflecting his exasperation with the government’s hardline posture.
This tension was compounded by earlier incidents, including Israeli attempts to downplay or deny starvation in Gaza and IDF bombing raids in Syria and Qatar. The Doha attack, in particular, struck a nerve: it targeted a country hosting a US base, which Washington had pledged to defend, and which had shown Trump personal largesse, including funding a luxurious new Air Force One. As Steve Witkoff, a key negotiator in brokering the Israel-Hamas ceasefire, noted in a recent 60 Minutes interview, the Trump administration “felt a little bit betrayed” by the attack. By some accounts, the outrage these actions provoked — both regionally and globally — gave Trump the leverage he needed to push through the ceasefire.
Put another way, Israel’s willingness to constantly cross established boundaries in pursuit of tactical wins might have reached the point of diminished returns. Or even negative ones.
The reasons for this maximalism are well-understood in both countries. Israel’s popularity in the United States has tanked across the political spectrum and among nearly all demographic groups except Republicans over age 50. This is increasingly reflected in DC officialdom. The emerging generation of foreign policy thinkers on the American Right tend to be realists and restrainers. They don’t hate Israel, but they do believe that America’s major challenges and opportunities lie elsewhere, especially in the Pacific region. Meanwhile, on the Left, the likes of Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Abdul El-Sayed, and Zohran Mamdani loom large.
The annexation rebuke is, finally, a reminder that Washington remains committed to the two-state solution. However distant it may feel to Israelis and Palestinians alike, the fact is that the Jewish state is going nowhere; the same applies to the Palestinian people and their claims to national self-determination. Israel cannot indefinitely wield the power of life and death over some five million Palestinians lacking any say or representation. The approach that seems most “idealistic” is thus the most realistic.
Annexation would forestall it. Appreciating the danger, Team Trump struck a firm blow against Israeli overreach.







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