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Putin’s warning about Western troops exposes Europe’s irrelevance

Putin is exacerbating divisions within the EU. Credit: Getty

Putin is exacerbating divisions within the EU. Credit: Getty

September 7 2025 - 8:00am

Timing is everything. After the Coalition of the Willing came together in Paris and vowed to provide Ukraine with security guarantees “the day the conflict stops”, Russian President Vladimir Putin immediately threw a spanner in the works, stating that Moscow would regard any Western troops deployed as “legitimate targets for strikes”.

While the Coalition may have seemed united at Thursday’s meeting, Putin will know that such ominous words will only exacerbate existing divisions inside the EU. Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, for example, is opposed to putting Western peacekeepers in Ukraine for exactly this reason, fearing that any attacks on them by Russian forces would require a Nato Article 5 collective response and so spark a wider conflict. Germany is also reluctant about sending its soldiers, while the UK and France’s enthusiasm is gung-ho verging on delusional.

The Russian leader’s remarks should come as no surprise. The Kremlin is unlikely to end a conflict it waged, in part, to keep Nato troops away from its borders to then let those same troops patrol its borders. Moscow has expressed this repeatedly. So, what kind of peacekeepers would meet with the Russians’ approval? Helpfully, they have told us. In February, Moscow’s Permanent Representative to the UN Vasily Nebenzya declared that any peacekeeping force sent to Ukraine without a UN Security Council mandate would be considered “a legitimate military target”.

Russia’s motivations for favoring a UN peacekeeping action are clear. As a permanent member of the Security Council, it would enjoy significant influence over the mandate of any mission and the soldiers deployed would be likely to come from friendlier nations in Africa and South Asia than Europe or America. For its part, the UK, France and — depending on how it feels that day — the US could use its own seats on the Security Council to battle for Ukraine during negotiations about the remit. French President Emmanuel Macron mooted the idea himself back in March, but has not mentioned it of late.

Yet, such a prospect would, overall, constitute a downgrade for Europe. The Coalition of the Willing has often focused less on creating workable solutions for Ukraine’s post-war security. It has appeared more concerned with making Europe seem relevant to peace discussions, as well as responding to American demands that the continent take responsibility for its own security. Admitting that peacekeeping is more likely to be handled by a UN force would constitute a significant embarrassment for the continent — particularly after British Prime Minister Keir Starmer said that the continent must “do the heavy lifting”.

It would additionally make it easier for the US and Russia to push Europe out of peace talks altogether, since there would be less reason to consult the continent. That in turn would reduce European leaders’ ability to advocate for Ukraine with the White House. Yet, the prospect of non-Western troops in Ukraine is one that Europe’s governments may soon need to get behind, especially given their own inability to muster up any significant numbers. Reports indicate that the US is open to Saudi Arabian and Bangladeshi soldiers protecting a post-war buffer zone.

European officials confess that the prospect of peace seems distant. Yet, the war will only end when both Russia and Ukraine are ready. A refusal to listen to what kind of peace arrangement Moscow would accept only makes the chances even more remote. Europe should admit that the Coalition of the Willing is not the only plan on the table and return to earlier thoughts of a UN alternative, even if that means also admitting its own irrelevance. The question the continent now needs to ask itself is: does it really want to help end the war or does it want to stay in the room, albeit one where nothing happens?


Bethany Elliott is a writer specialising in Russia and Eastern Europe.

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China is threatening America in the AI race

Reports sugget Zhipu AI  has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

Reports sugget Zhipu AI has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

July 1 2026 - 10:18am

China is trying to catch up with America on artificial intelligence. The Wall Street Journal has reported that Zhipu AI — one of China’s six “AI tiger” LLMs — has released a new model that can rival leading US systems, including Anthropic’s Mythos, in cybersecurity tasks such as pinpointing security bugs. While this marks a milestone in China’s drive to catch up with Western AI capabilities, strong performance on a single benchmark does not mean it has taken the lead. Chinese models still lag behind their Western counterparts in broader capabilities, such as autonomous operation. Skepticism is therefore warranted before resorting to hysterical conclusions, but complacency about the geopolitical implications of China’s AI advances would be an even greater mistake.

On the infrastructure side, Chinese AI is still constrained by access to advanced chips, with American labs way ahead in computing capacity as well as investment. Analysis from earlier this year suggests that Chinese models are likely to be at least a few months behind those in the US. But they are still continuing to make progress, or that the geopolitical importance of AI will be decided only by whose LLM has ventured deeper into the technological frontier. The practical applications of AI, countries’ to capture foreign markets, and the application of AI into the real economy will matter just as much.

Here, China may hold an advantage. As with its dominance across many critical supply chains, Beijing may not need to produce the most advanced AI systems — only those that are affordable and widely deployable. In doing so, it could consolidate global influence by supplying functional, low-cost AI at scale.

Beijing seems to be pursuing exactly that path, developing an AI “open-source” strategy that offers affordable, widely available AI models for companies and individuals to use and modify as they wish. The production of the DeepSeek AI model, which matched the performance of Silicon Valley tools such as ChatGPT at a fraction of the cost for users, created goodwill among Chinese models with developers.

The four most popular models on OpenRouter, an AI hardware platform for developers, are now all Chinese. The goal for China is not only to win the frontier-model race, but to make its systems the default layer of AI adoption across industries and global markets. For most economies, the choice is increasingly between an affordable tool they can deploy now and a more robust one that may be out of reach.

And while the countries adopting Chinese models may be exposed to political pressure and cyber threats from Beijing, safer and more capable alternatives matter little if they are unaffordable. American AI companies are already under pressure to monetize products whose operating costs are rising. If Chinese open-source models become the cheap default for startups, universities, governments and businesses across the developing world, then America’s AI lead will be eroded from below.

Perhaps more concerning for America in the long run is how AI can give Chinese manufacturing even more strength, through the ongoing integration of AI as a general-purpose technology. China’s new Five-Year Plan mentioned AI more than 50 times and includes an “AI+” action plan aimed at spreading AI across the economy.

Beijing has been pioneering automation of its critical infrastructure for years, with promising recent results in increasing warplane production capacity. In that regard, China’s open-model strategy and manufacturing dominance will reinforce each other. Cheap, adaptable models accelerate deployment across the real economy while those deployments generate real-world data and use cases that can feed back into further model improvement.

The United States should not dismiss the importance of its lead in the AI race. That lead worries Beijing, not least because a more automated Chinese economy would also become more vulnerable to AI-generated cyber threats. But nor should Washington assume that China cannot catch up with American capabilities over time.

This AI competition represents part of a broader struggle over tech supply chains and geopolitical influence. Decisions over whether to adopt US or Chinese models could produce a more fragmented global reality, with different regions relying on different cloud providers, chips and security structures. The result will likely be a global economy which is divided into competing spheres, rather than one which produces a single winner.


Miquel Vila is a political and geopolitical risk consultant focusing on industrial strategy, critical infrastructure and global supply chains.

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