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Concern over mass migration is not extremist

The body is becoming worse at helping the police stop terrorism. Credit: Getty

The body is becoming worse at helping the police stop terrorism. Credit: Getty

June 9 2025 - 10:00am

Prevent, the UK’s controversial counter-radicalization program, is under fire again. This is because, according to a recent report in the Telegraph, the people in charge of the program seem to believe that “cultural nationalism”, which is opposed to uncontrolled mass migration and the ideology of multiculturalism, is a Right-wing “terrorist ideology”. It further suggests that anyone who espouses it may be a potential threat to national security.

On the previous occasions when Prevent sparked controversy, it was because it had failed to properly manage the risk of troubled or radicalized individuals who went on to commit acts of terrible violence: a list that includes Axel Rudakubana, Ali Harbi Ali and Khairi Saadallah. This time the critical focus is not on Prevent’s negligence towards threats that were simmering away right under its nose but on manufacturing a threat that doesn’t exist.

According to the architects of Prevent, the extreme Right is made up of three strands or “sub-categories”: Cultural Nationalism, White Nationalism and White Supremacism. Now, you don’t have to be an expert to know that cultural nationalism, which sanctifies the nation-state and its ingrained way of life, is quite different from the belief that non-white people are sub-humans and should be mass-repatriated “back” to Africa.

In the British context, for example, we might want to make a distinction between what can be termed the Alan Partridge Right, personified by Nigel Farage and Matthew Goodwin, and the Violent Extreme Right, personified by Jo Cox’s murderer Thomas Mair and Darren Osborne, who rammed a van into a crowd of Muslim pedestrians in Finsbury Park. The former venerates Churchill, law and order and beer gardens, while the extreme Right loathes the Farage-types, embraces murderous violence and dreams of an apocalyptic race war.

A prevailing theme in Left-leaning advocacy is that the line between two distinct Right-wing tribes isn’t as sharp as it might seem. Concerns voiced by the Alan Partridge Right — over issues like two-tier policing, grooming gangs, or illegal boat crossings from France — are often seen as giving legitimacy to the Violent Extreme Right, which is said to “weaponize” these grievances to sow discord and recruit new members.

Another theme is that the talking points of the moderate Right are characterized as a “rabbit-hole” or “pipeline” that serves to push “vulnerable” people towards ever more extreme Rightist positions, so that one minute they’re agreeably nodding along with Matthew Goodwin on how bloody “bonkers” things have gotten in Britain, while the next they’re thinking that Hitler wasn’t so bad after all. Quite how this dramatic metamorphosis happens no one has ever convincingly explained.

The progressives who hold this view are now firmly in charge of Prevent and it has been like this for some time, as William Shawcross’s 2023 Independent Review of Prevent showed. Indeed, Shawcross expressed concern that a Home Office research unit on extremism had sought to portray mainstream writers like Douglas Murray as Right-wing extremists.

It is alarming that the ideologues who run Prevent can’t see the clear and obvious daylight between these two positions. And it shouldn’t be necessary to point out that cultural nationalism, however you feel about it, isn’t extreme.

Prevent, to my knowledge, has never stopped anyone from becoming a terrorist. It is also politically compromised and functions more as a tool for enforcing the prevailing ideological consensus than for dealing with the violent threats we face. The case for defunding it is now stronger than ever.


Simon Cottee is a Senior Visiting Fellow at the Danube Institute


China is threatening America in the AI race

Reports sugget Zhipu AI  has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

Reports sugget Zhipu AI has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

July 1 2026 - 10:18am

China is trying to catch up with America on artificial intelligence. The Wall Street Journal has reported that Zhipu AI — one of China’s six “AI tiger” LLMs — has released a new model that can rival leading US systems, including Anthropic’s Mythos, in cybersecurity tasks such as pinpointing security bugs. While this marks a milestone in China’s drive to catch up with Western AI capabilities, strong performance on a single benchmark does not mean it has taken the lead. Chinese models still lag behind their Western counterparts in broader capabilities, such as autonomous operation. Skepticism is therefore warranted before resorting to hysterical conclusions, but complacency about the geopolitical implications of China’s AI advances would be an even greater mistake.

On the infrastructure side, Chinese AI is still constrained by access to advanced chips, with American labs way ahead in computing capacity as well as investment. Analysis from earlier this year suggests that Chinese models are likely to be at least a few months behind those in the US. But they are still continuing to make progress, or that the geopolitical importance of AI will be decided only by whose LLM has ventured deeper into the technological frontier. The practical applications of AI, countries’ to capture foreign markets, and the application of AI into the real economy will matter just as much.

Here, China may hold an advantage. As with its dominance across many critical supply chains, Beijing may not need to produce the most advanced AI systems — only those that are affordable and widely deployable. In doing so, it could consolidate global influence by supplying functional, low-cost AI at scale.

Beijing seems to be pursuing exactly that path, developing an AI “open-source” strategy that offers affordable, widely available AI models for companies and individuals to use and modify as they wish. The production of the DeepSeek AI model, which matched the performance of Silicon Valley tools such as ChatGPT at a fraction of the cost for users, created goodwill among Chinese models with developers.

The four most popular models on OpenRouter, an AI hardware platform for developers, are now all Chinese. The goal for China is not only to win the frontier-model race, but to make its systems the default layer of AI adoption across industries and global markets. For most economies, the choice is increasingly between an affordable tool they can deploy now and a more robust one that may be out of reach.

And while the countries adopting Chinese models may be exposed to political pressure and cyber threats from Beijing, safer and more capable alternatives matter little if they are unaffordable. American AI companies are already under pressure to monetize products whose operating costs are rising. If Chinese open-source models become the cheap default for startups, universities, governments and businesses across the developing world, then America’s AI lead will be eroded from below.

Perhaps more concerning for America in the long run is how AI can give Chinese manufacturing even more strength, through the ongoing integration of AI as a general-purpose technology. China’s new Five-Year Plan mentioned AI more than 50 times and includes an “AI+” action plan aimed at spreading AI across the economy.

Beijing has been pioneering automation of its critical infrastructure for years, with promising recent results in increasing warplane production capacity. In that regard, China’s open-model strategy and manufacturing dominance will reinforce each other. Cheap, adaptable models accelerate deployment across the real economy while those deployments generate real-world data and use cases that can feed back into further model improvement.

The United States should not dismiss the importance of its lead in the AI race. That lead worries Beijing, not least because a more automated Chinese economy would also become more vulnerable to AI-generated cyber threats. But nor should Washington assume that China cannot catch up with American capabilities over time.

This AI competition represents part of a broader struggle over tech supply chains and geopolitical influence. Decisions over whether to adopt US or Chinese models could produce a more fragmented global reality, with different regions relying on different cloud providers, chips and security structures. The result will likely be a global economy which is divided into competing spheres, rather than one which produces a single winner.


Miquel Vila is a political and geopolitical risk consultant focusing on industrial strategy, critical infrastructure and global supply chains.

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