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Munich Security Conference finds Europe in a dismal state

Weak men create hard times. Credit: Getty

Weak men create hard times. Credit: Getty

February 14 2025 - 7:00am

Europe’s political and security elites are flocking to the Munich Security Conference to witness their American security umbrella being folded up and packed away. On Thursday morning, a car reportedly driven by an Afghan asylum seeker rammed into a group of trade union protestors injuring almost 30 people. This apparent terrorist attack underlines the continent’s existential problem: it is ruled by people who cannot ensure its safety, within or without its borders.

On the diplomatic front, US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth’s declaration that “returning to Ukraine’s pre-2014 borders is an unrealistic objective” to be abandoned was merely an acceptance of objective reality. Following the failure of its 2023 counteroffensive, the Ukrainian war effort has been a slow retreat across the front, punctuated by attention-grabbing but pointless side-quests, grinding the country’s army and morale to the brink of collapse. A painful peace settlement was guaranteed, whoever won the US election.

The broader shock for European leaders, if shock is the correct word for a warning which has been repeatedly given and ignored, was Hegseth’s announcement that henceforth Europe’s security is in European hands. The aim of Hegseth’s speech, as he put it, was “to directly and unambiguously express that stark strategic realities prevent the United States of America from being primarily focused on the security of Europe.” He went on: “The United States will no longer tolerate an imbalanced relationship which encourages dependency.” It will instead push Europeans to “take ownership of conventional security on the continent.”

As the historian Vladislav Zubok (whose masterwork on the collapse of the Soviet Union displays striking resonances with the current moment) observes: “Trump’s great Eurasian foreign policy transformation has been launched today. We may see order-shattering changes soon and fast.” Against their will, and with much wailing and breast-beating, Europe’s leaders are being dragged to their own independence.

The specifics of this are unclear: does taking ownership of conventional security mean the withdrawal of US ground forces from eastern and central Europe? Apart from Ukraine, whose borders and future will now be decided not only above their own heads but above those of Europe as a whole, the hardest hit will be Poland and the Baltic countries, who consistently mocked Emmanuel Macron’s efforts at establishing European strategic autonomy in the belief that America’s protective shield will never be withdrawn.

Belatedly, the Polish Foreign Minister Radek Sikorski has declared that “Europe must have autonomous military capabilities that should be developed using EU funding and industry.” The EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs Kaja Kallas insists in a statement signed by Britain that “in any negotiation, Europe must have a central role.” The statement is also committed to Ukraine’s “territorial integrity,” a stance that, given the continent’s willed weakness, has rightly been termed “delusional.” On Wednesday, US Vice President JD Vance pointedly referred to Kallas as “Estonia’s former Prime Minister”, rather using her current title: for the great imperial powers, the EU may as well not exist.

For even the most hawkish European states, the role of patrolling the post-ceasefire frontlines in Ukraine is a non-starter. As the Polish strategic analyst Slawomir Dębski, a notable Ukraine hawk, correctly observes, “there is nothing realistic about expecting Europeans to stabilize an agreement with Russia by deploying their own soldiers to Ukraine when Moscow has no intention of keeping its word. That is pure fantasy.” Hegseth has made clear that any European troops will not be joined by US troops as Ukraine will not be part of NATO, and will not come under the Article 5 defensive umbrella.

The apparent Trump administration idea that the Ukraine problem can be palmed off to Britain may finally force Whitehall into measuring its bellicose strategic posture against its slender capabilities. Nevertheless, a troop deployment ought to be firmly resisted. The British Army cannot function except as an American auxiliary, and without the certainty of US support in the eventuality that Russia shells a British base or ambushes a patrol along the contact line, such a deployment is simply far beyond our denuded ability. As the analyst Anatol Lieven dismissively remarks on the Defense Secretary John Healey’s claim that Britain is “stepping up” to the role: “If any British official, politician, analyst, or journalist actually believes that this is a viable policy, they are criminal lunatics.”

Europe’s leaders were given plenty of warnings and plenty of chances to seize control of the continent’s own future. They failed, dangerously mismanaging Europe’s affairs, happy to prolong their role as pliant regional managers of a conglomerate of retreating empires. It is intolerable, then, that any of the failed securocrats gathering in Munich to hear the axe fall inside the conference center and the sirens wailing outside can long remain in charge of our destiny.

In Europe, and particularly in Britain, we have been saddled with a social contract which has collapsed, supporting a political system no one believes in, shielded by a security umbrella currently being removed. For our civilization’s survival, everything must change.


Aris Roussinos is an UnHerd columnist and a former war reporter.

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China is threatening America in the AI race

Reports sugget Zhipu AI  has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

Reports sugget Zhipu AI has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

July 1 2026 - 10:18am

China is trying to catch up with America on artificial intelligence. The Wall Street Journal has reported that Zhipu AI — one of China’s six “AI tiger” LLMs — has released a new model that can rival leading US systems, including Anthropic’s Mythos, in cybersecurity tasks such as pinpointing security bugs. While this marks a milestone in China’s drive to catch up with Western AI capabilities, strong performance on a single benchmark does not mean it has taken the lead. Chinese models still lag behind their Western counterparts in broader capabilities, such as autonomous operation. Skepticism is therefore warranted before resorting to hysterical conclusions, but complacency about the geopolitical implications of China’s AI advances would be an even greater mistake.

On the infrastructure side, Chinese AI is still constrained by access to advanced chips, with American labs way ahead in computing capacity as well as investment. Analysis from earlier this year suggests that Chinese models are likely to be at least a few months behind those in the US. But they are still continuing to make progress, or that the geopolitical importance of AI will be decided only by whose LLM has ventured deeper into the technological frontier. The practical applications of AI, countries’ to capture foreign markets, and the application of AI into the real economy will matter just as much.

Here, China may hold an advantage. As with its dominance across many critical supply chains, Beijing may not need to produce the most advanced AI systems — only those that are affordable and widely deployable. In doing so, it could consolidate global influence by supplying functional, low-cost AI at scale.

Beijing seems to be pursuing exactly that path, developing an AI “open-source” strategy that offers affordable, widely available AI models for companies and individuals to use and modify as they wish. The production of the DeepSeek AI model, which matched the performance of Silicon Valley tools such as ChatGPT at a fraction of the cost for users, created goodwill among Chinese models with developers.

The four most popular models on OpenRouter, an AI hardware platform for developers, are now all Chinese. The goal for China is not only to win the frontier-model race, but to make its systems the default layer of AI adoption across industries and global markets. For most economies, the choice is increasingly between an affordable tool they can deploy now and a more robust one that may be out of reach.

And while the countries adopting Chinese models may be exposed to political pressure and cyber threats from Beijing, safer and more capable alternatives matter little if they are unaffordable. American AI companies are already under pressure to monetize products whose operating costs are rising. If Chinese open-source models become the cheap default for startups, universities, governments and businesses across the developing world, then America’s AI lead will be eroded from below.

Perhaps more concerning for America in the long run is how AI can give Chinese manufacturing even more strength, through the ongoing integration of AI as a general-purpose technology. China’s new Five-Year Plan mentioned AI more than 50 times and includes an “AI+” action plan aimed at spreading AI across the economy.

Beijing has been pioneering automation of its critical infrastructure for years, with promising recent results in increasing warplane production capacity. In that regard, China’s open-model strategy and manufacturing dominance will reinforce each other. Cheap, adaptable models accelerate deployment across the real economy while those deployments generate real-world data and use cases that can feed back into further model improvement.

The United States should not dismiss the importance of its lead in the AI race. That lead worries Beijing, not least because a more automated Chinese economy would also become more vulnerable to AI-generated cyber threats. But nor should Washington assume that China cannot catch up with American capabilities over time.

This AI competition represents part of a broader struggle over tech supply chains and geopolitical influence. Decisions over whether to adopt US or Chinese models could produce a more fragmented global reality, with different regions relying on different cloud providers, chips and security structures. The result will likely be a global economy which is divided into competing spheres, rather than one which produces a single winner.


Miquel Vila is a political and geopolitical risk consultant focusing on industrial strategy, critical infrastructure and global supply chains.

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