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The Women’s Equality Party deserved to fail

Sandi Toksvig, Sophie Walker and Catherine Mayer at the Women's Equality Party policy launch in 2015. Credit: Getty

Sandi Toksvig, Sophie Walker and Catherine Mayer at the Women's Equality Party policy launch in 2015. Credit: Getty

October 28 2024 - 10:00am

Members of the Women’s Equality Party (WEP) have been left sobbing after the leadership supported a motion to close the party. In an article in the Observer, WEP’s founders Catherine Mayer and Sandi Toksvig, announced that after a decade of dilettante feminism they were reluctantly taking the decision because of a “changed political landscape”.

“The Tories’ attempts to contain the electoral threat from the hard Right has instead seen them fully captured by it,” opined the pair, adding of the Labour Party: “The leadership barely listens to its MPs and wider membership, so it is hardly likely to pay heed to us.”

But why should politicians listen to the views of women who have virtue-signaled themselves into oblivion? Ultimately, the party failed the Ronseal test when it was unable to define the word “woman”, let alone advocate for people who were, until recently, widely understood to be adult human females. After her election as leader of the WEP in 2019, Mandu Reid told Pink News that “transwomen are women […] but they’re women among a rich tapestry of what it means to be a woman, of which we all are a part.”

In an instant Reid reduced the reality of womanhood to metaphorical soft furnishing. This put WEP on the side of those advocating for men’s right to identify into women-only prisons, changing rooms and hospital wards.

Sophie Walker, who led WEP from 2015 to 2019, warned Reid not to support a policy of gender self-identification, writing in an open letter: “I don’t know how you write policies for women, if anyone can be a woman.” Yet Walker herself is not without blame; it was under her leadership that the first scalp was taken, when academic Dr Heather Brunskell-Evans was pushed out of her role within the party for publicly questioning the idea that children should be affirmed in cross-sex identities.

Arguably, it was Walker’s parting shot marked the real end of the party. When announcing her resignation, she claimed to be “frustrated by the limits of my own work to ensure that women of colour, working class women and disabled women see themselves reflected in this party and know they can lead this movement”. Unsurprisingly, this sewed division. It suggested that simply being born a woman was not good enough, and that the party ought to focus on identity politics rather than feminism.

Yet in the years since Reid took over WEP, a bold, energetic grassroots movement has coalesced around the threat to women’s rights from trans activism. Women from all backgrounds meet to share their stories of being harassed, abused and cancelled. There is even a new political party, the Party of Women (POW), which was founded without celebrity backing or cash and managed to stand 16 candidates in the general election. Compared to this rising tide of women’s rights activists, the WEP is at best an irrelevance, and at worst an embarrassment.

There are, of course, many pressing issues that deserve both feminist analysis and politicians’ attention. Whether that’s the failure to tackle grooming gangs, the exploitation of women’s bodies in surrogacy or the prevalence of pornography, women are still getting a raw deal. Yet, the WEP opted not to tackle such tricky problems, opting instead for politics by hashtag.

In this vein, Toksvig recently berated women like those in the POW who want single-sex toilets, telling them to “shut up”. Meanwhile the Women’s Equality Party is so in thrall to fashionable causes that it even overlooks male violence when it is inconvenient. Last week when firearms officer Martyn Blake was cleared of the murder of Chris Kaba, a violent criminal who had abused his girlfriend, the WEP posted on social media that it was “both terrifying and outrageous to hear politicians say the police should be scrutinised less after they kill unarmed members of the public. No justice, no peace.”

It seems, to the minority who share the values of the celebrity class, being a trans ally and calling out white supremacy are sexier causes than boring old women’s rights. Yet, clearly, the majority of politically inclined women who have no option but to use the public services captured by such trendy ideologies disagree.

This is how the WEP has ended; not with a bang, but with a confused whimper.


Josephine Bartosch is assistant editor at The Critic and co-author of Pornocracy.

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China is threatening America in the AI race

Reports sugget Zhipu AI  has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

Reports sugget Zhipu AI has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

July 1 2026 - 10:18am

China is trying to catch up with America on artificial intelligence. The Wall Street Journal has reported that Zhipu AI — one of China’s six “AI tiger” LLMs — has released a new model that can rival leading US systems, including Anthropic’s Mythos, in cybersecurity tasks such as pinpointing security bugs. While this marks a milestone in China’s drive to catch up with Western AI capabilities, strong performance on a single benchmark does not mean it has taken the lead. Chinese models still lag behind their Western counterparts in broader capabilities, such as autonomous operation. Skepticism is therefore warranted before resorting to hysterical conclusions, but complacency about the geopolitical implications of China’s AI advances would be an even greater mistake.

On the infrastructure side, Chinese AI is still constrained by access to advanced chips, with American labs way ahead in computing capacity as well as investment. Analysis from earlier this year suggests that Chinese models are likely to be at least a few months behind those in the US. But they are still continuing to make progress, or that the geopolitical importance of AI will be decided only by whose LLM has ventured deeper into the technological frontier. The practical applications of AI, countries’ to capture foreign markets, and the application of AI into the real economy will matter just as much.

Here, China may hold an advantage. As with its dominance across many critical supply chains, Beijing may not need to produce the most advanced AI systems — only those that are affordable and widely deployable. In doing so, it could consolidate global influence by supplying functional, low-cost AI at scale.

Beijing seems to be pursuing exactly that path, developing an AI “open-source” strategy that offers affordable, widely available AI models for companies and individuals to use and modify as they wish. The production of the DeepSeek AI model, which matched the performance of Silicon Valley tools such as ChatGPT at a fraction of the cost for users, created goodwill among Chinese models with developers.

The four most popular models on OpenRouter, an AI hardware platform for developers, are now all Chinese. The goal for China is not only to win the frontier-model race, but to make its systems the default layer of AI adoption across industries and global markets. For most economies, the choice is increasingly between an affordable tool they can deploy now and a more robust one that may be out of reach.

And while the countries adopting Chinese models may be exposed to political pressure and cyber threats from Beijing, safer and more capable alternatives matter little if they are unaffordable. American AI companies are already under pressure to monetize products whose operating costs are rising. If Chinese open-source models become the cheap default for startups, universities, governments and businesses across the developing world, then America’s AI lead will be eroded from below.

Perhaps more concerning for America in the long run is how AI can give Chinese manufacturing even more strength, through the ongoing integration of AI as a general-purpose technology. China’s new Five-Year Plan mentioned AI more than 50 times and includes an “AI+” action plan aimed at spreading AI across the economy.

Beijing has been pioneering automation of its critical infrastructure for years, with promising recent results in increasing warplane production capacity. In that regard, China’s open-model strategy and manufacturing dominance will reinforce each other. Cheap, adaptable models accelerate deployment across the real economy while those deployments generate real-world data and use cases that can feed back into further model improvement.

The United States should not dismiss the importance of its lead in the AI race. That lead worries Beijing, not least because a more automated Chinese economy would also become more vulnerable to AI-generated cyber threats. But nor should Washington assume that China cannot catch up with American capabilities over time.

This AI competition represents part of a broader struggle over tech supply chains and geopolitical influence. Decisions over whether to adopt US or Chinese models could produce a more fragmented global reality, with different regions relying on different cloud providers, chips and security structures. The result will likely be a global economy which is divided into competing spheres, rather than one which produces a single winner.


Miquel Vila is a political and geopolitical risk consultant focusing on industrial strategy, critical infrastructure and global supply chains.

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