X Close

Vickrum Digwa has damaged Sikhs’ model-minority status

Vickrum Digwa was jailed for life with a minimum of 21 years for the murder of Henry Nowak. Credit: Hampshire Police

Vickrum Digwa was jailed for life with a minimum of 21 years for the murder of Henry Nowak. Credit: Hampshire Police

June 4 2026 - 10:01am

The murder of Henry Nowak, followed by the trial of his killer Vickrum Digwa and the resulting protests in Southampton, has further exposed Britain as a tinderbox of racial tensions. Digwa is a Sikh and the murder weapon was a Sikh ceremonial knife, and so attention has turned, naturally, to the integration of certain religious groups in Britain.

The country’s Sikh population has traditionally been viewed as a patriotic and well-integrated part of modern Britain. This integration has been driven by enduring military ties originating from participation in the British Indian Army, a robust emphasis on entrepreneurship and property ownership, and charitable services based on the Sikh tenet of Seva. However, in the aftermath of Digwa’s conviction — a life sentence with a minimum of 21 years — the response from politicians and organizations belonging to the British Sikh community has been rooted in narratives of discrimination and grievance.

Speaking to the BBC last week, Dabinderjit Singh, a leading figure in the UK Sikh Federation, claimed the community had been “demonised” and that it had suffered a significant increase in hate crime following Digwa’s trial. The Federation has since written to Home Secretary Shabana Mahmood, calling for anti-Sikh hate crimes to be recorded in a similar way to those committed against Jews and Muslims.

On Tuesday, meanwhile, Labour MP Tanmanjeet Singh Dhesi accused Reform UK and Restore Britain of politicizing public anguish over Nowak’s murder, arguing that the “far-Right” had chosen to “scapegoat and throw under the bus an entire community”. Dhesi also criticized calls to introduce a ban on the kirpan in the UK. While it is illegal to carry most knives in public, doing so for religious reasons is listed as a potential lawful defense under Section 139 of the Criminal Justice Act 1988. Reform UK has lobbied against these religious exemptions and pushed for a ban on the kirpan, though Sikh groups have pointed out that a different blade was used to murder Nowak.

The anti-police protests in Southampton earlier this week will inflame things further. On Tuesday evening, 11 officers were injured and two people were arrested in connection with disorder which included the throwing of bins, bricks and an e-scooter at police. Hundreds took part in the initial demonstration outside Southampton Central Police Station, before some gathered close to Digwa’s family home. The killer’s father Moga Singh and brother Gurpreet Digwa also appeared in court after being charged with multiple weapons-related offenses. Digwa’s mother, Kiran Kaur, was found guilty of assisting an offender, adding fuel to the view that this crime was facilitated by multiple family members.

Accusations of “two-tier policing” — the belief that non-white minorities are increasingly the beneficiaries of preferential treatment from authorities — over the police’s handling of Nowak’s murder also reveal the emergence of a new pan-ethnic “white racial solidarity”. Conversely, influential elements of the UK’s Sikh population have responded in a manner which is unquestionably tribal, seeking to protect their religious group from wider anger. This compromises the longstanding status of British Sikhs as a so-called “model minority” in the UK. In an era of competing group-based interests, some British Sikhs — even those with conservative political views who feel culturally integrated — will provide an assertive defense of their religious identity and faith-based rights.

The aftermath of Digwa’s conviction demonstrates that the portrait of modern Britain is an increasingly complicated one, with previous claims around assimilation and cohabiting diversity appearing at best naive. Accusations of two-tier policing are now hard to deny, and threaten to undo the significant strides Britain has made in recent decades when it comes to racial equality.


Dr Rakib Ehsan is a Senior Fellow at Policy Exchange.

rakibehsan

China is threatening America in the AI race

Reports sugget Zhipu AI  has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

Reports sugget Zhipu AI has released a new model that can rival leading US systems. Credit: Getty

July 1 2026 - 10:18am

China is trying to catch up with America on artificial intelligence. The Wall Street Journal has reported that Zhipu AI — one of China’s six “AI tiger” LLMs — has released a new model that can rival leading US systems, including Anthropic’s Mythos, in cybersecurity tasks such as pinpointing security bugs. While this marks a milestone in China’s drive to catch up with Western AI capabilities, strong performance on a single benchmark does not mean it has taken the lead. Chinese models still lag behind their Western counterparts in broader capabilities, such as autonomous operation. Skepticism is therefore warranted before resorting to hysterical conclusions, but complacency about the geopolitical implications of China’s AI advances would be an even greater mistake.

On the infrastructure side, Chinese AI is still constrained by access to advanced chips, with American labs way ahead in computing capacity as well as investment. Analysis from earlier this year suggests that Chinese models are likely to be at least a few months behind those in the US. But they are still continuing to make progress, or that the geopolitical importance of AI will be decided only by whose LLM has ventured deeper into the technological frontier. The practical applications of AI, countries’ to capture foreign markets, and the application of AI into the real economy will matter just as much.

Here, China may hold an advantage. As with its dominance across many critical supply chains, Beijing may not need to produce the most advanced AI systems — only those that are affordable and widely deployable. In doing so, it could consolidate global influence by supplying functional, low-cost AI at scale.

Beijing seems to be pursuing exactly that path, developing an AI “open-source” strategy that offers affordable, widely available AI models for companies and individuals to use and modify as they wish. The production of the DeepSeek AI model, which matched the performance of Silicon Valley tools such as ChatGPT at a fraction of the cost for users, created goodwill among Chinese models with developers.

The four most popular models on OpenRouter, an AI hardware platform for developers, are now all Chinese. The goal for China is not only to win the frontier-model race, but to make its systems the default layer of AI adoption across industries and global markets. For most economies, the choice is increasingly between an affordable tool they can deploy now and a more robust one that may be out of reach.

And while the countries adopting Chinese models may be exposed to political pressure and cyber threats from Beijing, safer and more capable alternatives matter little if they are unaffordable. American AI companies are already under pressure to monetize products whose operating costs are rising. If Chinese open-source models become the cheap default for startups, universities, governments and businesses across the developing world, then America’s AI lead will be eroded from below.

Perhaps more concerning for America in the long run is how AI can give Chinese manufacturing even more strength, through the ongoing integration of AI as a general-purpose technology. China’s new Five-Year Plan mentioned AI more than 50 times and includes an “AI+” action plan aimed at spreading AI across the economy.

Beijing has been pioneering automation of its critical infrastructure for years, with promising recent results in increasing warplane production capacity. In that regard, China’s open-model strategy and manufacturing dominance will reinforce each other. Cheap, adaptable models accelerate deployment across the real economy while those deployments generate real-world data and use cases that can feed back into further model improvement.

The United States should not dismiss the importance of its lead in the AI race. That lead worries Beijing, not least because a more automated Chinese economy would also become more vulnerable to AI-generated cyber threats. But nor should Washington assume that China cannot catch up with American capabilities over time.

This AI competition represents part of a broader struggle over tech supply chains and geopolitical influence. Decisions over whether to adopt US or Chinese models could produce a more fragmented global reality, with different regions relying on different cloud providers, chips and security structures. The result will likely be a global economy which is divided into competing spheres, rather than one which produces a single winner.


Miquel Vila is a political and geopolitical risk consultant focusing on industrial strategy, critical infrastructure and global supply chains.

miquelvilam