In the past few weeks, there has been such a dramatic increase in settler violence in the West Bank that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has been forced to pledge a crackdown. In 2024, 675 incidents were logged but so far this year, there have already been 704. Palestinian activists and human rights groups attribute the rise to backing from far-Right politicians. Although commonly referred to as “settler violence”, these actions are carried out by a small group of violent extremist settlers — nicknamed “hilltop barbarians” — primarily targeting Palestinians, but also Israeli security forces, and even other settlers.
This escalation included assaults, vandalism and arson, which triggered widespread condemnation and criticism of the government for failing to stop them. President Isaac Herzog called the attacks “shocking and serious”, framing them as a threat to the rule of law. Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar said: “Jewish rioters in Judea and Samaria are harming the State of Israel, disgracing Judaism, […] They are not us. […] The IDF, the Shin Bet, and the Israel Police must act decisively and with a firm hand to stop this rampage.” Defence Minister Israel Katz backed the security services’ effort to stop the rioters, calling them “A small, violent, criminal group of anarchistic lawbreakers.”
Despite this, public opinion remains divided: 58% of Israelis believe that West Bank settlements contribute to national security, while 35% view them as a liability. Only one-fifth support violent settlers, and this number drops as violence escalates. Their actions not only harm Palestinians; they endanger Israeli soldiers, and risk radicalising Palestinians, potentially lighting the fuse for further violence in the West Bank and inside Israel, as highlighted by yesterday’s terror attack.
But not everyone condemns them. National Security Minister, and far-Right figure Itamar Ben-Gvir — under sanction by the UK for inciting violence against Palestinians — called rioters “salt of the earth, good kids”, but criticised their attack on Israeli soldiers. Crucially, his stance illustrates the political constraints Netanyahu faces. Cracking down risks angering far-Right coalition partners and their voters but public outcry and sharp condemnations from the security establishment demand a response.
Netanyahu may choose selective crackdown as a way to project firmness without abandoning core settler-aligned policies. It allows him to reclaim some sense of responsibility, deter the most violent fringe, and burnish his international image. These incidents have drawn scrutiny from the US and EU, and failure to act undermines Israel’s legitimacy abroad, weakening Netanyahu’s standing with Western allies.
The obstacles remain steep. Settler impunity is structurally entrenched, reinforced by ideological hardliners who reject state authority. Resources are also stretched — redirecting military and police capacity during a multi-front security crisis is no small task.
If Netanyahu is serious, he will need to pair rhetoric with credible enforcement. This should include impartial, politically-insulated policing and prosecution that swiftly investigates and charges violent settlers, protects Palestinian civilians, and prevents dismantled illegal outposts from being rebuilt.
It will also require coordinated legal, administrative, and intelligence-led action to disrupt organised groups; sustained monitoring of repeat offenders; and ensuring that arrests lead to meaningful judicial outcomes rather than quiet releases. It also depends on empowering security forces to act without fear of political backlash and publicly signalling that violence against civilians or soldiers — regardless of ideology — will face real consequences. Too hard and Bibi risks his coalition; too little and he will be accused of complicit weakness.







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