Gaza

The good news here in Gaza is that, for the time being, the war with Israel is over. The bad news is that another, internal conflict has already broken out between Hamas and the armed clans that do not accept its authority. Meanwhile, there are worrying signs that in the longer term Hamas may not be ready to abide by two of the most crucial elements of President Trump’s peace plan, by giving up both its weapons and its political ambitions.

Tuesday’s public executions of members of the Dughmush clan by masked Hamas fighters provided evidence of the anarchy that still threatens the people of the Gaza Strip. Their mutual enmity goes back much further than the clashes between the groups that left dozens dead earlier this week. Soon after Hamas seized power in 2007, it was the Dughmush who kidnapped BBC journalist Alan Johnston, and Hamas which secured his freedom after 16 weeks.

Hamas members were out in force on what remains of Gaza’s streets within hours of the ceasefire announcement, saying they were there to ensure stability in densely populated areas from which the Israelis had withdrawn. In itself, this does not breach the Trump agreement, for he granted them permission to exercise “security control” to prevent chaos from escalating. Nevertheless, they are now once again able to deploy fighters faster, and in a more organised way, than we have seen for many months, and they effectively control at least 80% of the Strip.

It was probably inevitable Hamas would come into conflict with the clans, which have taken advantage of the war to augment their own private arsenals. Aside from the Dughmush, during the war Hamas pursued members of the Popular Forces clan led by Yasser Abu Shabab in central Gaza. There, Hamas was only able to reimpose authority after making numerous arrests and “neutralising” — killing — individuals they claimed were “wanted” and “lawless”. Similar operations took place elsewhere.

That said, it is the Dughmush, whose base lies in the overcrowded, poverty-stricken Sabra neighbourhood of Gaza City, which posed the greatest threat. The clan’s concentrated presence there gives them huge local influence, and they are part of the security landscape. However, they aren’t strong enough to defeat Hamas. The statement the Dughmush issued earlier this week reflects this, declaring they that were “not responsible” for the violent actions of clan members who had confronted Hamas. Similarly, the Majaydeh clan from Khan Younis, which also clashed with Hamas last week, announced it had surrendered its weapons and was committed to keeping the peace.

Having been granted a temporary licence to police Gaza by Trump, Hamas appears to have no regrets about the executions. Its leaders are not currently granting interviews, but I managed to speak to Ibrahim al-Madhoun, a Hamas supporter and analyst who is close to those who survive. He blamed the executions on Israel, calling them “a consequence of the brutal occupation against our people”, although he accepted they were “difficult and painful” and hoped they “would not be repeated”.

But what of broader issues? Once phase one of the Trump plan is complete, al-Madhoun told me, “Hamas will not be part of the governing authority in Gaza — this is a clear decision the movement has made.” However, looking further ahead, the scope for further conflict is clear.

Al-Madhoun described handing in weaponry as “a national issue tied to Palestinian consensus”, which could not be accomplished by “external pressure”. What’s more, there had to be “a comprehensive national dialogue that includes all forces and factions” to consider both Palestinians’ political future and “the weapons of the resistance”.

He ended with a warning: “Hamas is an integral part of the Palestinian people, and as long as there are Palestinians, Hamas will continue to exist.” It would, he said, be a “mistake” to try to bypass it, and the US had realised “it cannot be ignored.”

In Washington and Jerusalem, this may not sound like a recipe for lasting peace. As for us, caught in the wreckage of our homeland, we can only hope.