The return of the remaining Israeli hostages this week has been hailed as a significant step towards lasting peace. Yet a non-violent future hinges not merely on rebuilding Gaza’s rubble-strewn streets and disarming Hamas, but also on the arduous task of deradicalising a population steeped in decades of indoctrination, whose hatred of Israel will only have been hardened during a war in which tens of thousands of Palestinians have been killed.

A society where polls showed over 70% support for armed resistance after Hamas’s 7 October massacre cannot sustain peace without ideological uprooting. Radicalisation, fuelled by antisemitism and the glorification of violent jihad in school curricula and public culture, normalises hatred and violence. Textbooks which recycle antisemitic tropes, and portray Israel as an illegitimate entity to be destroyed through armed struggle, raise generations primed for conflict. As one report on Palestinian textbooks concluded: “Jews and Israel are delegitimised and demonised to such a degree that one could not perceive either as feasible or worthy partners for peaceful coexistence.”

True peace demands addressing this root problem, much like efforts in Germany and Japan following the Second World War. In these cases, fascist empires transitioned into stable democracies through generational reform. In Germany, denazification dismantled Hitler’s ideology via systematic purges of Nazis from positions of power and leadership to make way for moderates. Textbooks were rewritten to teach democracy and raise awareness of Holocaust atrocities. The process was all-encompassing, including education, culture, government, society, economy and the judiciary. Although the most dedicated Nazis were not rehabilitated, the majority of Germans subsequently adopted anti-militaristic attitudes.

Similarly, Japan’s overhaul dissolved militarist institutions, tried war criminals, and reformed schools to excise samurai glorification. Historian John Dower noted in Embracing Defeat that support for militarism dropped 80% within a decade, paving the way for Japan’s economic miracle.

For Palestinians, education reform is paramount. UNRWA, managing over 700 schools, has faced criticism for its textbooks’ promotion of violence. Extremists must be removed from the organisation’s ranks, and it should teach peace-oriented materials promoting coexistence, equality, and tolerance instead of hatred and glorification of death. Key goals include rejecting armed struggle and recognising Israel’s right to exist as a Jewish state. Failure to overhaul this system is sufficient reason to defund UNRWA, which relies on international funding. Deradicalisation programmes for adults could be spearheaded by comparatively moderate regional countries, such as the United Arab Emirates.

Beyond classrooms, jobs and economic opportunities could be offered as antidotes to the allure of jihad. Instead of relying on donations, the economy should look to trade, tech hubs, and investments. Positive economic prospects are a metric of moderation. Palestinians must replace the narrative of perpetual victimisation and grievance with a feeling of control over their future, and a Marshall Plan for Gaza could fund vocational training, start-ups, and infrastructure.

Reducing the meddling of actors which promote violent Islamism — such as Iran, Qatar, and the Muslim Brotherhood — is essential. Regional moderates including Jordan or Egypt could run programmes allowing clerics to debunk jihadist distortions.

Rebuilding minds is undoubtedly harder than rebuilding bricks. However, if Donald Trump’s peace plan moves ahead, the Middle East will usher in a new era. When that happens, the Palestinians will have to reform — or find themselves left behind.

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Dr Limor Simhony Philpott is a writer and researcher focusing on antisemitism, extremism and defence.

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