Credit: Zach Gibson/Getty
âLaw! What do I care about the law? Ainât I got the power?â
Cornelius Vanderbilt, the 19th century steamship and railroad titan for whom the modern-day use of the term ârobber baronâ was coined, was transparent in his business model: kill the competition. His entrepreneurial spirit and predatory tactics made him the richest man in America, and having established himself at the top, he wasnât about to be usurped.
Fast forward to today and you wouldnât catch the new tech âcaptains of industryâ talking so brazenly about being above the law â but I canât help thinking Vanderbiltâs immortal words are apt.
In just a few short years the tech giants have gone from upstart agents of digital democracy, connecting the world through their free platforms, to monopolistic fat cat enablers of abuse.
Where once politicians were falling over themselves to hang out with techâs boy billionaires, theyâre now eager to be seen castigating them for their failure to fix up â to protect children from would-be abusers, to stop hosting terrorist propaganda, to prevent fake news and hate speech, halt hacking, safeguard our data, and, of course, to pay more tax.
The likes of Google, Facebook and Amazon are facing the sort of scrutiny that would ordinarily send corporate executives into a tailspin. And yet, despite issuing apologies and pledging to do better, they have shown almost no commitment to real change.
How do the tech titans get away with it? Well, ainât they got the power?
When your reach is greater than government, you hold a near monopoly market position, and consumers have little alternative than to use your services, whatâs the inducement to real reform?
Take Facebook, which has almost 2.2 billion users worldwide. Its business model is to link people â for free â in a spider web of connections that create a dependency on the platform. If everyone else is on Facebook, communicating, organising events, sharing photos, sharing news, are you really going to disconnect?
For many people Facebook is too central to their social and professional lives to quit â one survey of small businesses in America found 80% used Facebook for marketing â which helps explain why the #DeleteFacebook movement doesnât seem to have had a discernible effect.
What is the alternative for users? When people say consumers have a choice to disconnect, theyâre right. But it is the same choice as people had in the Gilded Age: they didnât have to use one of Vanderbiltâs ships to get from New York to San Francisco, but if they didnât, they wouldnât be travelling.
Market concentration removes real choice, and enables companies to become so powerful that their position is all but unassailable. In the US in 2016, 43% of online sales went through Amazon, and their market share is growing. Google account for 80% of the global search engine market (over 90% in the US). And it is estimated that Google and Facebook together account for almost three quarters of digital advertising in the States â unsurprising when they have all the online traffic.
And their overwhelming dominance is getting worse as they gobble up competitors and use their huge cash piles to spread into new markets (think Amazon acquiring Whole Foods for $14 billion).
In response to the monopolists of the Gilded Age, President Teddy âTrust Busterâ Roosevelt broke up the overreaching corporations, arguing that: âWhere a trust becomes a monopoly the state has an immediate right to interfereâ.
Breaking up the tech giants, or at least breaking off parts of them, may in the end be the only solution to tame their power, but applying this type of antitrust to todayâs hyper-networked model would be much tougher than breaking up Rockerfellerâs Standard Oil or the Northern Securities Corporation (the holding company for the railways).
A new report by think tank Respublica and the Big Innovation Centre, aptly titled “Technopoly”, has a more realistic idea: stop the tech giants eating their competition.
The reportâs starting point is that âliberal free market capitalism has not failed â but has not existed and doesnât exist where markets have become monopolisedâ. And it is complacency, on the part of both governments and competition authorities, that has led to this.
I have written about the tech giantsâ acquisition binges before. What better way to maintain your dominance than buying up any potential threats to it. The Respublica report points out that in the past decade, Google has bought 167 companies and Facebook almost 70. Thatâs not just aggressive, itâs predatory.
Critics of tougher action will argue that such acquisitions are innovation-enhancing, and some of them are, but the whole point of competition watchdogs is to separate innovative from anti-competitive behaviour. In fact, if âcompetition is the mother of inventionâ, as the report points out, a system that âdoes not catch or scrutinise mergers between major players and innovative upstartsâ, will end up damaging innovation.
The authors even go as far as to say that âinnovation is more important than short-term efficiency for our societyâ. And when you look at Britainâs lagging productivity and stagnating wages itâs difficult to disagree. They therefore recommend a much more aggressive approach to mergers and acquisitions, with competition authorities assessing each case based on a sophisticated understanding of value â for the new robber barons, data and, as the report puts it, âeyeballsâ, are the new route to monopoly. Competition policy and enforcement needs to catch up, and quickly.
The tech titansâ transition from hero to villain looks uncannily like the experience of their Gilded Age equivalents, who went from celebrated entrepreneurs to reviled monopolists. Teddy Roosevelt understood just how pernicious extreme market concentration was for free markets, and therefore consumers. Today we are facing the same problems â but whereâs our 21st century trust buster?
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